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Khmer Rouge
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The Khmer Rouge (Khmer: ??????) was the communist ruling political party of Cambodia from 1975 to 1979 and renamed it Democratic Kampuchea. The Khmer Rouge subjected the country to a radical social reform process that was aimed at creating a purely agrarian-based Communist society. The city-dwellers were deported to the countryside, where they were combined with the local population and subjected to forced labor. About 1.5 million Cambodians died in waves of murder, torture, and starvation, aimed particularly at the educated and intellectual elite.

Losing power following a Vietnamese military intervention in December 1978, the Khmer Rouge maintained control in some regions and continued to fight on as guerillas. In 1998 their final stronghold, in Anlong Veng District, fell to the government.[1]

The term "Khmer Rouge," French for "Red Khmer", was coined by Cambodian head of state Norodom Sihanouk and was later adopted by English speakers. It was used to refer to a succession of Communist parties in Cambodia which evolved into the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK) and later the Party of Democratic Kampuchea. The organization was also known as the Khmer Communist Party and the National Army of Democratic Kampuchea.

The Khmer Rouge is remembered mainly for the deaths of an estimated 1.5 million people or 1/5 of the country's total population[2] (estimates range from 850,000 to 2.5 million) under its regime, through execution, torture, starvation and forced labor. Because of the large number of deaths, the deaths during the rule of the Khmer Rouge are often considered a genocide.

Following their leader Pol Pot, the Khmer Rouge imposed an extreme form of social engineering on Cambodian society — a radical form of agrarian communism where the whole population had to work in collective farms or forced labor projects. In terms of the number of people killed as a proportion of the population (est. 1.75 million people, as of 1975), it was one of the most lethal regimes of the 20th century.[citation needed]

The Khmer Rouge wanted to eliminate anyone suspected of "involvement in free-market activities". Suspected capitalists encompassed professionals and almost everyone with an education, many urban dwellers, and people with connections to foreign governments.

The Khmer Rouge believed parents were tainted with capitalism. Consequently, children were separated from parents and brainwashed to socialism as well as taught torture methods with animals. Children were a "dictatorial instrument of the party"[3] and were given leadership in torture and executions.[citation needed]
Flag of Democratic Kampuchea

One of their mottoes, in reference to the New People, was: "To keep you is no benefit. To destroy you is no loss."[citation needed] The ideology of the Khmer Rouge evolved over time. In the early days, it was an orthodox communist party and looked to the Vietnamese Communists for guidance.

It became more Stalinist and anti-intellectual when groups of students who had been studying in France returned to Cambodia. The students, including future party leader Pol Pot, had been heavily influenced by the example of the French Communist Party (PCF).

After 1960, the Khmer Rouge developed its own unique political ideas. For example, contrary to most Marxist doctrine, the Khmer Rouge considered the farmers in the countryside to be the proletariat and the true representatives of the working class, a form of Maoism which brought them onto the PRC side of the Sino-Soviet Split.

By the 1970s, the ideology of the Khmer Rouge combined its own ideas with the anti-colonialist ideas of the PCF, which its leaders had acquired during their education in French universities in the 1950s. The Khmer Rouge leaders were also privately very resentful of what they saw as the arrogant attitude of the Vietnamese, and were determined to establish a form of communism very different from the Vietnamese model and also from other Communist countries, including China.

After four years of rule, the Khmer Rouge regime was removed from power in 1979 as a result of an invasion by the Socialist Republic of Vietnam and was replaced by moderate, pro-Vietnamese Communists. It survived into the 1990s as a resistance movement operating in western Cambodia from bases in Thailand. In 1996, following a peace agreement, their leader Pol Pot formally dissolved the organization. Pol Pot died on 15 April 1998, having never been put on trial.[4]Contents [hide]
1 Origins
1.1 The Cambodian Left: the early history
1.2 The Paris student group
2 Path to power and reign
2.1 KPRP Second Congress
2.2 From enemy to ally: Sihanouk and the GRUNK
3 The Khmer Rouge in power
3.1 Crimes against humanity
3.1.1 Number of deaths
4 Fall of the Khmer Rouge
5 See also
6 Further reading
7 References
8 External links
8.1 General
8.2 Genocide
8.3 Uncategorize


The Cambodian Left: the early history

The history of the communist movement in Cambodia can be divided into six phases: the emergence of the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), whose members were almost exclusively Vietnamese, before World War II; the ten-year struggle for independence from the French, when a separate Cambodian communist party, the Kampuchean (or Khmer) People's Revolutionary Party (KPRP), was established under Vietnamese auspices; the period following the Second Party Congress of the KPRP in 1960, when Saloth Sar (Pol Pot after 1976) and other future Khmer Rouge leaders gained control of its apparatus; the revolutionary struggle from the initiation of the Khmer Rouge insurgency in 1967-68 to the fall of the Lon Nol government in April 1975; the Democratic Kampuchea regime, from April 1975 to January 1979; and the period following the Third Party Congress of the KPRP in January 1979, when Hanoi effectively assumed control over Cambodia's government and communist party.

In 1930 Ho Chi Minh founded the Vietnamese Communist Party by unifying three smaller communist movements that had emerged in northern, central and southern Vietnam during the late 1920s. The name was changed almost immediately to the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), ostensibly to include revolutionaries from Cambodia and Laos.

Almost without exception, however, all the earliest party members were Vietnamese. By the end of World War II, a handful of Cambodians had joined its ranks, but their influence on the Indochinese communist movement and on developments within Cambodia was negligible.

Viet Minh units occasionally made forays into Cambodian bases during their war against the French, and, in conjunction with the leftist government that ruled Thailand until 1947, the Viet Minh encouraged the formation of armed, left-wing Khmer Issarak bands. On April 17, 1950 (twenty-five years to the day before the Khmer Rouge captured Phnom Penh), the first nationwide congress of the Khmer Issarak groups convened, and the United Issarak Front was established.

Its leader was Son Ngoc Minh (possibly a brother of the nationalist Son Ngoc Thanh), and a third of its leadership consisted of members of the ICP. According to the historian David P. Chandler, the leftist Issarak groups, aided by the Viet Minh, occupied a sixth of Cambodia's territory by 1952; and, on the eve of the Geneva Conference, they controlled as much as one half of the country.

In 1951 the ICP was reorganized into three national units — the Vietnam Workers' Party, the Lao Itsala, and the Kampuchean (or Khmer) People's Revolutionary Party (KPRP). According to a document issued after the reorganization, the Vietnam Workers' Party would continue to "supervise" the smaller Laotian and Cambodian movements. Most KPRP leaders and rank-and-file seem to have been either Khmer Krom, or ethnic Vietnamese living in Cambodia. The party's appeal to indigenous Khmers appears to have been minimal.

According to Democratic Kampuchea's version of party history, the Viet Minh's failure to negotiate a political role for the KPRP at the 1954 Geneva Conference represented a betrayal of the Cambodian movement, which still controlled large areas of the countryside and which commanded at least 5,000 armed men. Following the conference, about 1,000 members of the KPRP, including Son Ngoc Minh, made a "Long March" into North Vietnam, where they remained in exile.

In late 1954, those who stayed in Cambodia founded a legal political party, the Pracheachon Party, which participated in the 1955 and the 1958 National Assembly elections. In the September 1955 election, it won about four percent of the vote but did not secure a seat in the legislature.

Members of the Pracheachon were subject to constant harassment and to arrests because the party remained outside Sihanouk's political organization, Sangkum. Government attacks prevented it from participating in the 1962 election and drove it underground. Sihanouk habitually labeled local leftists the Khmer Rouge, a term that later came to signify the party and the state headed by Pol Pot, Ieng Sary, Khieu Samphan, and their associates.

During the mid-1950s, KPRP factions, the "urban committee" (headed by Tou Samouth), and the "rural committee" (headed by Sieu Heng), emerged. In very general terms, these groups espoused divergent revolutionary lines. The prevalent "urban" line, endorsed by North Vietnam, recognized that Sihanouk, by virtue of his success in winning independence from the French, was a genuine national leader whose neutralism and deep distrust of the United States made him a valuable asset in Hanoi's struggle to "liberate" South Vietnam.

Champions of this line hoped that the prince could be persuaded to distance himself from the right wing and to adopt leftist policies. The other line, supported for the most part by rural cadres who were familiar with the harsh realities of the countryside, advocated an immediate struggle to overthrow the "feudalist" Sihanouk.

In 1959 Sieu Heng defected to the government and provided the security forces with information that enabled them to destroy as much as 90 % of the party's rural apparatus. Although communist networks in Phnom Penh and in other towns under Tou Samouth's jurisdiction fared better, only a few hundred communists remained active in the country by 1960.

The Paris student group

During the 1950s, Khmer students in Paris organized their own communist movement, which had little, if any, connection to the hard-pressed party in their homeland. From their ranks came the men and women who returned home and took command of the party apparatus during the 1960s, led an effective insurgency against Lon Nol from 1968 until 1975, and established the regime of Democratic Kampuchea.

Pol Pot, who rose to the leadership of the communist movement in the 1960s, was born in 1928 (some sources say in 1925) in Kampong Thum Province, northeast of Phnom Penh. He attended a technical high school in the capital and then went to Paris in 1949 to study radio electronics (other sources say he attended a school for printers and typesetters and also studied civil engineering). Described by one source as a "determined, rather plodding organizer," he failed to obtain a degree, but, according to the Jesuit priest, Father Franois Ponchaud, he acquired a taste for the classics of French literature as well as for the writings of Marx.

Another member of the Paris student group was Ieng Sary. He was a Chinese-Khmer born in 1925 in South Vietnam. He attended the elite Lyce Sisowath in Phnom Penh before beginning courses in commerce and politics at the Institut d'Etudes Politiques de Paris (more widely known as Sciences Po) in France. Khieu Samphan, considered "one of the most brilliant intellects of his generation," was born in 1931 and specialized in economics and politics during his time in Paris.[citation needed] In talent he was rivaled by Hou Yuon, born in 1930, who was described as being "of truly astounding physical and intellectual strength,"[citation needed] and who studied economics and law. Son Sen, born in 1930, studied education and literature; Hu Nim, born in 1932, studied law.

These men were perhaps the most educated leaders in the history of Asian communism. Two of them, Khieu Samphan and Hou Yuon, earned doctorates from the University of Paris; Hu Nim obtained his degree from the University of Phnom Penh in 1965. In retrospect, it seems unlikely that these talented members of the elite, sent to France on government scholarships, could launch the bloodiest and most radical revolution in modern Asian history. Most came from landowner or civil servant families. Pol Pot and Hou Yuon may have been related to the royal family. An older sister of Pol Pot had been a concubine at the court of King Monivong. Three of the Paris group forged a bond that survived years of revolutionary struggle and intraparty strife, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary married Khieu Ponnary and Khieu Thirith (also known as Ieng Thirith), purportedly relatives of Khieu Samphan. These two well-educated women also played a central role in the regime of Democratic Kampuchea.

The intellectual ferment of Paris must have been a dizzying experience for young Khmers fresh from Phnom Penh or the provinces. A number turned to orthodox Marxism-Leninism. At some time between 1949 and 1951, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary joined the French Communist Party, the most tightly disciplined and orthodox Marxist-Leninist of Western Europe's communist movements.

In 1951 the two men went to East Berlin to participate in a youth festival. This experience is considered to have been a turning point in their ideological development. Meeting with Khmers who were fighting with the Viet Minh (and whom they subsequently judged to be too subservient to the Vietnamese), they became convinced that only a tightly disciplined party organization and a readiness for armed struggle could achieve revolution. They transformed the Khmer Students' Association (KSA), to which most of the 200 or so Khmer students in Paris belonged, into an organization for nationalist and leftist ideas.

Inside the KSA and its successor organizations was a secret organization known as the Cercle Marxiste. The organization was composed of cells of three to six members with most members knowing nothing about the overall structure of the organization. In 1952 Pol Pot, Hou Yuon, Ieng Sary, and other leftists gained notoriety by sending an open letter to Sihanouk calling him the "strangler of infant democracy." A year later, the French authorities closed down the KSA. In 1956, however, Hou Yuon and Khieu Samphan helped to establish a new group, the Khmer Students' Union. Inside, the group was still run by the Cercle Marxiste.

The doctoral dissertations written by Hou Yuon and Khieu Samphan express basic themes that were later to become the cornerstones of the policy adopted by Democratic Kampuchea. The central role of the peasants in national development was espoused by Hou Yuon in his 1955 thesis, The Cambodian Peasants and Their Prospects for Modernization, which challenged the conventional view that urbanization and industrialization are necessary precursors of development.

The major argument in Khieu Samphan's 1959 thesis, Cambodia's Economy and Industrial Development, was that the country had to become self-reliant and end its economic dependency on the developed world. In its general contours, Khieu's work reflected the influence of a branch of the "dependency theory" school[citation needed], which blamed lack of development in the Third World on the economic domination of the industrialized nations.

Path to power and reign

KPRP Second Congress

After returning to Cambodia in 1953, Pol Pot threw himself into party work. At first he went to join with forces allied to the Viet Minh operating in the rural areas of Kampong Cham Province (Kompong Cham). After the end of the war, he moved to Phnom Penh under Tou Samouth's "urban committee" where he became an important point of contact between above-ground parties of the left and the underground secret communist movement.

His comrades, Ieng Sary and Hou Yuon, became teachers at a new private high school, the Lyce Kambuboth, which Hou Yuon helped to establish. Khieu Samphan returned from Paris in 1959, taught as a member of the law faculty of the University of Phnom Penh, and started a left-wing, French-language publication, L'Observateur. The paper soon acquired a reputation in Phnom Penh's small academic circle. The following year, the government closed the paper, and Sihanouk's police publicly humiliated Khieu by beating, undressing and photographing him in public--as Shawcross notes, "not the sort of humiliation that men forgive or forget."

Yet the experience did not prevent Khieu from advocating cooperation with Sihanouk in order to promote a united front against United States activities in South Vietnam. As mentioned, Khieu Samphan, Hou Yuon, and Hu Nim were forced to "work through the system" by joining the Sangkum and by accepting posts in the prince's government.

In late September, 1960, twenty-one leaders of the KPRP held a secret congress in a vacant room of the Phnom Penh railroad station. This pivotal event remains shrouded in mystery because its outcome has become an object of contention (and considerable historical rewriting) between pro-Vietnamese and anti-Vietnamese Khmer communist factions.

The question of cooperation with, or resistance to, Sihanouk was thoroughly discussed. Tou Samouth, who advocated a policy of cooperation, was elected general secretary of the KPRP that was renamed the Workers' Party of Kampuchea (WPK). His ally, Nuon Chea (also known as Long Reth), became deputy general secretary; however, Pol Pot and Ieng Sary were named to the Political Bureau to occupy the third and the fifth highest positions in the renamed party's hierarchy. The name change is significant. By calling itself a workers' party, the Cambodian movement claimed equal status with the Vietnam Workers' Party. The pro-Vietnamese regime of the People's Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) implied in the 1980s that the September 1960 meeting was nothing more than the second congress of the KPRP.

On July 20, 1962, Tou Samouth was murdered by the Cambodian government. In February 1963, at the WPK's second congress, Pol Pot was chosen to succeed Tou Samouth as the party's general secretary. Tou's allies, Nuon Chea and Keo Meas, were removed from the Central Committee and replaced by Son Sen and Vorn Vet. From then on, Pol Pot and loyal comrades from his Paris student days controlled the party center, edging out older veterans whom they considered excessively pro-Vietnamese.

In July 1963, Pol Pot and most of the central committee left Phnom Penh to establish an insurgent base in Ratanakiri Province in the northeast. Pol Pot had shortly before been put on a list of 34 leftists who were summoned by Sihanouk to join the government and sign statements saying Sihanouk was the only possible leader for the country. Pol Pot and Chou Chet were the only people on the list who escaped. All the others agreed to cooperate with the government and were afterward under 24-hour watch by the police.

From enemy to ally: Sihanouk and the GRUNK

The region Pol Pot and the others moved to was inhabited by tribal minorities, the Khmer Loeu, whose rough treatment (including resettlement and forced assimilation) at the hands of the central government made them willing recruits for a guerrilla struggle. In 1965, Pol Pot made a visit of several months to North Vietnam and China.

He received some training in China, which had enhanced his prestige when he returned to the WPK's liberated areas. Despite friendly relations between Norodom Sihanouk and the Chinese, the latter kept Pol Pot's visit a secret from Sihanouk. In September 1966, the party changed its name to the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK).

The change in the name of the party was a closely guarded secret. Lower ranking members of the party and even the Vietnamese were not told of it and neither was the membership until many years later. The party leadership endorsed armed struggle against the government, then led by Sihanouk. In 1967, several small-scale attempts at insurgency were made by the CPK but they had little success.

In 1968, the Khmer Rouge forces launched a national insurgency across Cambodia (see also Cambodian Civil War). Though North Vietnam had not been informed of the decision, its forces provided shelter and weapons to the Khmer Rouge after the insurgency started. Vietnamese support for the insurgency made it impossible for the Cambodian military to effectively counter it. For the next two years the insurgency grew as Sihanouk did very little to stop it. As the insurgency grew stronger, the party finally openly declared itself to be the Communist Party of Kampuchea (CPK).

The political appeal of the Khmer Rouge was increased as a result of the situation created by the removal of Sihanouk as head of state in 1970. Premier Lon Nol, with the support of the National Assembly, deposed Sihanouk. Sihanouk, in exile in Beijing, made an alliance with the Khmer Rouge and became the nominal head of a Khmer Rouge-dominated government-in-exile (known by its French acronym, GRUNK) backed by the People's Republic of China.

Sihanouk's popular support in rural Cambodia allowed the Khmer Rouge to extend its power and influence to the point that by 1973 it exercised de facto control over the majority of Cambodian territory, although only a minority of its population. Many people in Cambodia who helped the Khmer Rouge against the Lon Nol government thought they were fighting for the restoration of Sihanouk.

The relation between the massive carpet bombing of Cambodia by the United States and the growth of the Khmer Rouge, in terms of recruitment and popular support, has been a matter of interest to historians. In 1984 Craig Etcheson of the Documentation Center of Cambodia argued that it is "untenable" to assert that the Khmer Rouge would not have won but for U.S. intervention and that while the bombing did help Khmer Rouge recruitment, they "would have won anyway." [5]

Conversely, some historians have cited the U.S. intervention and bombing campaign (spanning 1965-1973) as a significant factor leading to increased support of the Khmer Rouge among the Cambodian peasantry. Historian Ben Kiernan and Taylor Owen have used a combination of sophisticated satellite mapping, recently unclassified data about the extent of bombing activities, and peasant testimony, to argue that there was a correlation between villages targeted by U.S. bombing and recruitment of peasants by the Khmer Rouge. [6]

In his 1996 study of Pol Pot's rise to power, Kiernan argued that foreign intervention "was probably the most significant factor in Pol Pot's rise." [7]

By 1975, with the Lon Nol government running out of ammunition, it was clear that it was only a matter of time before the government would collapse. On April 17, 1975 the Khmer Rouge captured Phnom Penh.

The Khmer Rouge in power
Main article: Democratic Kampuchea

The leadership of the Khmer Rouge remained largely unchanged from the 1960s to the mid-1990s. The leaders were mostly from middle-class families and had been educated at French universities.

The Standing Committee of the Khmer Rouge's Central Committee ("Party Center") during its period of power consisted of:
Pol Pot (Saloth Sar) "Brother number 1" the effective leader of the movement, General Secretary from 1963 until his death in 1998
Nuon Chea (Long Bunruot) "Brother number 2" Prime Minister (alive, arrested in 2007 [8])
Ieng Sary "Brother number 3" Deputy Prime Minister (Pol Pot's brother-in-law) (alive, arrested in 2007)
Ta Mok (Chhit Chhoeun) "Brother number 4" Final Khmer Rouge leader, Southwest Regional Secretary (died in custody awaiting trial for genocide, July 21, 2006)
Khieu Samphan "Brother number 5" President of the Khmer Rouge (alive, arrested in 2007)
Son Sen Defense Minister (d. 1997) {Superior of Kang Kek Iew tried 2009}
Yun Yat (d. 1997)
Ke Pauk "Brother number 13" Former secretary of the Northern zone (d. 2002)
Ieng Thirith (alive, arrested in 2007)

In power, the Khmer Rouge carried out a radical program that included isolating the country from foreign influence, closing schools, hospitals and factories, abolishing banking, finance and currency, outlawing all religions, confiscating all private property and relocating people from urban areas to collective farms where forced labor was widespread. The purpose of this policy was to turn Cambodians into "Old People" through agricultural labor. These actions resulted in massive deaths through executions, work exhaustion, illness, and starvation.

In Phnom Penh and other cities, the Khmer Rouge told residents that they would be moved only about "two or three kilometers" outside the city and would return in "two or three days." Some witnesses say they were told that the evacuation was because of the "threat of American bombing" and that they did not have to lock their houses since the Khmer Rouge would "take care of everything" until they returned. These were not the first evacuations of civilian populations by the Khmer Rouge. Similar evacuations of populations without possessions had been occurring on a smaller scale since the early 1970s.

The Khmer Rouge attempted to turn Cambodia into a classless society by depopulating cities and forcing the urban population ("New People") into agricultural communes. The entire population was forced to become farmers in labor camps.

During their four years in power, the Khmer Rouge overworked and starved the population, at the same time executing selected groups who had the potential to undermine the new state (including intellectuals or even those that had stereotypical signs of learning, such as glasses) and killing many others for even minor breaches of rules.

Cambodians were expected to produce three tons of rice per hectare; before the Khmer Rouge era, the average was only one ton per hectare. The Khmer Rouge forced people to work for 12 hours non-stop, without adequate rest or food. They did not believe in western medicine but instead favoured traditional peasant medicine; many died as a result.[citation needed]

Family relationships not sanctioned by the state were also banned, and family members could be put to death for communicating with each other. In any case, family members were often relocated to different parts of the country with all postal and telephone services abolished.

The total lack of agricultural knowledge by the former city dwellers made famine inevitable. Rural dwellers were often unsympathetic or too frightened to assist them. Such acts as picking wild fruit or berries was seen as "private enterprise" for which the death penalty applied.

The Khmer language has a complex system of usages to define speakers' rank and social status. During the rule of the Khmer Rouge, these usages were abolished. People were encouraged to call each other 'friend' or 'comrade' (Khmer: ???; mitt), and to avoid traditional signs of deference such as bowing or folding the hands in salutation, known as samphea.

Language was transformed in other ways. The Khmer Rouge invented new terms. People were told to 'forge' (lot dam) a new revolutionary character, that they were the 'instruments' (Khmer: ; opokar) of the ruling body known as 'Angkar' (Khmer: ; pronounced ahngkah; meaning 'The Organization'), and that nostalgia for pre-revolutionary times (choeu stek arom, or 'memory sickness') could result in execution. Also, rural terms like Mae (Khmer: ???; mother) replaced urban terms like Mak (Khmer: ???; mother).

Many Cambodians crossed the border into Thailand to seek asylum. From there, they were transported to refugee camps such as Khao-I-Dang, the only camp allowing resettlement in countries such as the United States, France, Canada, and Australia.

Crimes against humanity
Skulls of Khmer Rouge victims
Rests of victims of the Khmer Rouge in the Kampong Trach Cave, Kiry Seila Hills, Rung Tik (Water Cave) or Rung Khmao (Dead Cave)

The Khmer Rouge government arrested, tortured and eventually executed anyone suspected of belonging to several categories of supposed "enemies":
anyone with connections to the former government or with foreign governments
professionals and intellectuals - in practice this included almost everyone with an education, or even people wearing glasses (which, according to the regime, meant that they were literate)
ethnic Vietnamese, ethnic Chinese, ethnic Thai and other minorities in Eastern Highland, Cambodian Christians, Muslims and the Buddhist monks
"economic sabotage" for which many of the former urban dwellers (who had not starved to death in the first place) were deemed to be guilty by virtue of their lack of agricultural ability.

Through the 1970s, and especially after mid-1975, the party was also shaken by factional struggles. There were even armed attempts to topple Pol Pot. The resultant purges reached a crest in 1977 and 1978 when thousands, including some important KCP leaders, were executed.

Today, examples of the torture methods used by the Khmer Rouge can be seen at the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum. The museum occupies the former grounds of a high school turned prison camp that was operated by Khang Khek Ieu, more commonly known as "Comrade Duch". Some 17,000 people passed through this centre before they were taken to sites (also known as The Killing Fields), outside Phnom Penh such as Choeung Ek where most were executed (mainly by pickaxes to save bullets) and buried in mass graves. Of the thousands who entered the Tuol Sleng Centre (also known as S-21), only twelve are known to have survived.
Photos of genocide victims on display at the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum

Number of deaths

The exact number of people who died as a result of the Khmer Rouge's policies is debated, as is the cause of death among those who died. Access to the country during Khmer Rouge rule and during Vietnamese rule was very limited. In the early 1980s, the Vietnamese-installed regime that succeeded the Khmer Rouge conducted a national household survey, which concluded that over 4.8 million had died, but most modern historians do not consider that number to be reliable.[citation needed]

Modern research has located thousands of mass graves from the Khmer Rouge era all over Cambodia, containing an estimated 1.39 million bodies. Various studies have estimated the death toll at between 740,000 and 3,000,000, most commonly between 1.4 million and 2.2 million, with perhaps half of those deaths being due to executions, and the rest from starvation and disease.[9]

The United States Department of State-funded Yale Cambodian Genocide Project gives estimates of the total death toll between 1.2 million and 1.7 million.[citation needed]. Amnesty International estimates the total death toll as 1.4 million.[citation needed] R. J. Rummel, an analyst of historical political killings, gives a figure of 2 million. Former Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot gave a figure of 800,000, and his deputy, Khieu Samphan, said 1 million had been killed.[citation needed]

Fall of the Khmer Rouge
Main article: Cambodian–Vietnamese War

By December 1978, because of several years of border conflict and the flood of refugees fleeing Cambodia, relations between Cambodia and Vietnam collapsed. Pol Pot, fearing a Vietnamese attack, ordered a pre-emptive invasion of Vietnam. His Cambodian forces crossed the border and looted nearby villages. These Cambodian forces were repulsed by the Vietnamese.

The Vietnamese forces then invaded Cambodia, capturing Phnom Penh on January 7, 1979. Despite a traditional Cambodian fear of Vietnamese domination, defecting Khmer Rouge activists assisted the Vietnamese, and, with Vietnam's approval, became the core of the new puppet government.

At the same time, the Khmer Rouge retreated west, and it continued to control an area near the Thai border for the next decade. It was funded by diamond and timber smuggling. Despite its deposal, the Khmer Rouge retained its UN seat, which was occupied by Thiounn Prasith, an old compatriot of Pol Pot and Ieng Sary from their student days in Paris, and one of the 21 attendees at the 1960 KPRP Second Congress. The seat was retained under the name 'Democratic Kampuchea' until 1982, and then 'Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea' (see below) until 1993. Western governments repeatedly backed the Khmer Rouge in the U.N. and voted in favour of retaining the Cambodia's seat in the organization. Margaret Thatcher stated that "there are amongst the Khmer Rouge some very reasonable people and they will have to take part in a future government in Cambodia". Sweden on the contrary changed its vote in the U.N. and withdrew support for the Khmer Rouge after a large number of Swedish citizens wrote letters to their elected representatives demanding a policy change towards Pol Pot's regime. [10]

Vietnam's victory, supported by the Soviet Union, had significant ramifications for the region; the People's Republic of China launched a punitive invasion of northern Vietnam and retreated (with both sides claiming victory), and during the 1980s, the U.S. provided military and humanitarian support to Cambodian insurgent groups. China, the U.S. and the ASEAN countries sponsored the creation and the military operations of a Cambodian government-in-exile known as the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea which included, besides the Khmer Rouge, republican KPNLF and royalist ANS[10]

The Khmer Rouge, still led by Pol Pot, was the strongest of the three rebel groups in the government, and received extensive military aid from China, Britain and the United states and intelligence from the Thai military. Western secret services also trained the Khmer Rouge in military camps in Thailand and Malaysia. Eastern and central Cambodia were firmly under the control of Vietnam and its Cambodian allies by 1980, while the western part of the country continued to be a battlefield throughout the 1980s, and millions of landmines were sown across the countryside.

Already in 1981, the Khmer Rouge went as far as to officially renounce Communism and somewhat moved their ideological emphasis to nationalism and anti-Vietnamese rhetoric instead. However, some analysts argue that this change meant little in practice, because, as historian Kelvin Rowley puts it, "CPK propaganda had always relied on nationalist rather than revolutionary appeals".[10]

Although Pol Pot relinquished the Khmer Rouge leadership to Khieu Samphan in 1985, he continued to be the driving force of Khmer Rouge insurgency, giving speeches to his followers. Journalists such as Nate Thayer who spent some time with the Khmer Rouge during that period commented that, despite the international community's near-universal condemnation of the Khmer Rouge's brutal rule, a considerable number of Cambodians in Khmer Rouge-controlled areas seemed genuinely to support Pol Pot.[11]

While Vietnam proposed to withdraw in return for a political settlement excluding the Khmer Rouge from power, the rebel coalition government as well as ASEAN, China and the US insisted that such a condition was unacceptable. Nevertheless, in 1985 Vietnam declared that it would complete the withdrawal of its forces from Cambodia by 1990 and did so in 1989, having allowed the government that it had instated there to consolidate and gain sufficient military strength.[10]

After a decade of inconclusive conflict, the pro-Vietnamese Cambodian government and the rebel coalition signed a treaty in 1991 calling for elections and disarmament. In 1992, however, the Khmer Rouge resumed fighting, boycotted the election and, in the following year, rejected its results. It now fought the new Cambodian coalition government which included the former Vietnamese-backed Communists (headed by Hun Sen) as well as the Khmer Rouge's former non-Communist and monarchist allies (notably Prince Rannaridh).

There was a mass defection in 1996, when around half the remaining soldiers (about 4,000) left. In 1997, a conflict between the two main participants in the ruling coalition caused Prince Rannaridh to seek support from some of the Khmer Rouge leaders, while refusing to have any dealings with Pol Pot.[10][11] This resulted in bloody factional fighting among the Khmer Rouge leaders, ultimately leading to Pol Pot's trial and imprisonment by the Khmer Rouge. Pol Pot died in April 1998. Khieu Samphan surrendered in December.

On December 29, 1998, the remaining leaders of the Khmer Rouge apologized for the 1970s genocide. By 1999, most members had surrendered or been captured. In December 1999, Ta Mok and the remaining leaders surrendered, and the Khmer Rouge effectively ceased to exist. Most of the surviving Khmer Rouge leaders live in the Pailin area or are hidden in Phnom Penh.

Since 1990 Cambodia has gradually recovered, demographically and economically, from the Khmer Rouge regime, although the psychological scars affect many Cambodian families and migr communities. It is noteworthy that Cambodia has a very young population and by 2005 three-quarters of Cambodians were too young to remember the Khmer Rouge years.

Members of this younger generation may know of the Khmer Rouge only through word of mouth from parents and elders. In part, this is because the government does not require that educators teach children about Khmer Rouge atrocities in the schools. [12] However, Cambodia’s Education Ministry has approved plans to teach Khmer Rouge history in high schools beginning in 2009.[13]

Right now, the Khmer Rouge Case trials are taking place, with the charges accusing the Khmer Rouge regime of genocide and crimes against humanity.[14]
Cambodian People's Party
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  (Redirected from Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party)   Please help improve this article or section by expanding it. Further information might be found on the talk page. (November 2008)
Cambodian People's Party
Kanakpak Pracheachon Kmpucha

Leader   Chea Sim
Founded   Founded as Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party in May 1981 from pro-Vietnamese segments of the Communist Party of Kampuchea which constituted themselves as a separate party in early 1979, renamed in 1991
Ideology   Socialism
   This article may need to be wikified to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. Please help by adding relevant internal links, or by improving the article's layout. (March 2008)
   This article may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. Please improve this article if you can. (March 2008)

The Cambodian People's Party (Khmer: ???, Kanakpak Pracheachon Kmpucha, KPK) is the current ruling party of Cambodia. The party was called Kampuchean People's Revolutionary Party (often referred to by its French acronym 'PRPK') 1981-1991, and was the sole legal party in the country at the time. The party has an outright majority in the National Assembly of Cambodia, but governs in coalition with the royalist Funcinpec party. The current (as of 2007) Prime Minister, Hun Sen, is the vice president of the party. The party adheres to a platform of Socialism.Contents [hide]
1 History
2 Senior Party Members[4]
3 References
4 External links


The party was constituted in early 1979, as pro-Vietnamese forces within the Communist Party of Kampuchea held a congress, and formed a separate party (retaining the name, CPK). A national committee led by Pen Sovan was appointed by the congress. The organization considered itself as the genuine inheritor of the original KPRP founded in 1951 (which had evolved into the CPK), and labelled the congress as the '3rd party congress' (thus not recognizing the 1963, 1975 and 1978 congresses of CPK as legitimate). The party considered June 28, 1951 as its founding date. The existence of the party was kept secret, until its 4th congress in May 1981 when it appeared publicly and assumed the name KPRP. The name-change was carried out 'to clearly distinguish it from the reactionary Pol Pot party and to underline and reassert the [continuity] of the party's best traditions'.[1]

Very little is known about the Third Party Congress also known as the Congress for Party Reconstruction. Except that Pen Sovan was elected first secretary of the Central Committee and that the party had between sixty-two and sixty-six regular members.

In Pen Sovan's political report to the Fourth Party Congress held May 26 to May 29, 1981, he was careful to distance the KPRP from Pol Pot's CPK, and he denounced the CPK as a traitor to the party and to the nation.

The KPRP decided at the Fourth Party Congress to operate "openly." This move seemed to reflect the leadership's growing confidence in its ability to stay in power despite the ongoing guerilla war with the Khmer Rouge. The move may have had a practical dimension as well because it involved the people more actively in the regime's effort to build the country's political and administrative infrastructure.

The Fourth Party Congress reviewed Pen Sovan's political report and defined the party's strategy for the next several years. The Congress adopted five "basic principles of the party line," which were to uphold the banners of patriotism and of international proletarian solidarity; to defend the country (the primary and sacred task of all people); to restore and to develop the economy and the culture in the course of gradual transition toward socialism; to strengthen military solidarity with Vietnam, Laos, the Soviet Union, and other socialist nations; and to develop "a firm Marxist-Leninist party." At the Congress it was decided that henceforth the party would be known as the KPRP, in order to distinguish it from "the reactionary Pol Pot party and to underline and reassert the community of the party's best traditions." The Fourth Party Congress also proclaimed its resolve to stamp out the "reactionary ultra-nationalist doctrine of Pol Pot," to emphasize a centralized government and collective leadership, and to reject personality cults. The "ultra-nationalist doctrine" issue was an allusion to Pol Pot's racist, anti-Vietnamese stance. The Congress, attended by 162 delegates, elected twenty-one members of the party Central Committee, who in turn elected Pen Sovan as general secretary and the seven members of the party inner circle to the Political Bureau. It also adopted a new statute for the party, but did not release the text.

According to Michael Vickery, veterans of the independence struggle of the 1946 to 1954 period dominated the party Central Committee. A majority of the Central Committee members had spent all or part of the years 1954 to 1970 in exile in Vietnam or in the performance of "duties abroad."

The KPRP's pro-Vietnamese position did not change when Heng Samrin suddenly replaced Pen Sovan as party leader on December 4, 1981. Pen Sovan, who was reportedly flown to Hanoi under Vietnamese guard, was "permitted to take a long rest," but observers believed that he was purged for not being sufficiently pro-Vietnamese. In any case, the new general secretary won Hanoi's endorsement by acknowledging Vietnam's role as senior partner in the Cambodian-Vietnamese relationship. The party recognized the change in leadership symbolically by changing the official founding date of the KPRP from February 19, 1951, to June 28, 1951, in deference to the Vietnam Workers' Party (Dang Lao Dong Viet Nam), which was established in March 1951.

In mid-1981, the KPRP was essentially a skeleton organization. It had few party branches except for those in Phnom Penh, in Kampong Saom, and in the eighteen provincial capitals. Party membership was estimated at between 600 and 1,000, a considerable increase over 1979 but still only a fraction of the number of cadres needed to run the party and the government. In 1981, several of the 18 provinces had only one party member each, and Kampong Cham, the largest province with a population of more than 1 million, had only 30 regular members, according to Cambodia specialist Ben Kiernan.

The party held its Fifth Party Congress from October 13 to October 16, 1985, to reflect on the previous five years and to chart a new course for the next several years. The party's membership had increased to 7,500 regulars (4,000 new members joined in 1985 alone). The party had an additional pool of 37,000 "core" members from which it could recruit tested party regulars. There were only 4,000 core members in mid-1981. According to General Secretary Heng Samrin's political report, the KPRP had twenty-two regional committees and an undisclosed number of branches, circles, and cells in government agencies, armed forces units, internal security organs, mass organizations, enterprises, factories, and farms. The report expressed satisfaction with party reconstruction since 1981, especially with the removal of the "danger of authoritarianism" and the restoration of the principles of democratic centralism and of collective leadership. It pointed out "some weaknesses" that had to be overcome, however. For example, the party was "still too thin and weak" at the district and the grass-roots levels. Ideological work lagged and lacked depth and consistency; party policies were implemented very slowly, if at all, with few, if any, timely steps to rectify failings; and party cadres, because of their propensities for narrow-mindedness, arrogance, and bureaucratism, were unable to win popular trust and support. Another major problem was the serious shortage of political cadres (for party chapters), economic and managerial cadres, and technical cadres. Still another problem that had to be addressed "in the years to come" was the lack of a documented history of the KPRP. Heng Samrin's political report stressed the importance of party history for understanding "the good traditions of the party."

The report to the Fifth Congress noted that Heng Samrin's administration, in coordination with "Vietnamese volunteers," had destroyed "all types" of resistance guerrilla bases. The report also struck a sobering note: the economy remained backward and unbalanced, with its material and technical bases still below pre-war levels, and the country's industries were languishing from lack of fuel, spare parts, and raw materials. Transition toward socialism, the report warned, would take "dozens of years."

To hasten the transition to socialism, the Fifth Congress unveiled the PRK's First Plan, covering the years 1986 to 1990. The program included the addition of the "private economy" to the three sectors of the economy mentioned in the Constitution (the state sector, collective sector, and the family sector). Including the private economy was necessary because of the "very heavy and very complex task" that lay ahead in order to transform the "nonsocialist components" of the economy to an advanced stage. According to the political report submitted to the congress, mass mobilization of the population was considered crucial to the successful outcome of the First Plan. The report also noted the need to cultivate "new socialist men" if Cambodia were to succeed in its nation-building. These men were supposed to be loyal to the fatherland and to socialism; to respect manual labor, production, public property, and discipline; and to possess "scientific knowledge."

Heng Samrin's political report also focused on foreign affairs. He recommended that Phnom Penh strengthen its policy of alliance with Vietnam, Laos, the Soviet Union, and other socialist countries. He stressed--as Pen Sovan had in May 1981--that such an alliance was, in effect, "a law" that guaranteed the success of the Cambodian revolution. At the same time, he urged the congress and the Cambodian people to spurn "narrow-minded chauvinism, every opportunistic tendency, and every act and attitude infringing on the friendship" between Cambodia and its Indochinese neighbors. (He was apparently alluding to the continued Cambodian sensitivity to the presence of Vietnamese troops and of about 60,000 Vietnamese settlers in Cambodia. CGDK sources maintained that there were really about 700,000 Vietnamese settlers in the country.)

The KPRP's three objectives for the period 1986 to 1990 were to demonstrate military superiority "along the border and inside the country" for complete elimination of all anti-PRK activities; to develop political, military, and economic capabilities; and to strengthen special relations with Vietnam as well as mutual cooperation with other fraternal countries. Before Heng Samrin's closing address on October 16, the 250 party delegates to the congress elected a new Central Committee of 45 members (31 full members and 14 alternates). The Central Committee in turn elected Heng Samrin as general secretary, a new Political Bureau (nine full members and two alternates), a five-member Secretariat, and seven members of the Central Committee Control Commission.

After the Fifth Congress, the party's organizational work was intensified substantially. The KPRP claimed that by the end of 1986 it had more than 10,000 regular members and 40,000 candidate members who were being groomed for regular status.

General Secretary of the party from 1979 to 5 December 1981 was Pen Sovan.[2][3]. The KPRP was a Marxism-Leninist party, although it took on a more reformist outlook in the mid-1980s. In 1991 the party was renamed Cambodian People's Party (CPP) during a UN-sponsored peace and reconciliation process.

Prime Minister Hun Sen has continued to lead the party to election victories after the transition to democracy. It won 64 of the 123 seats in the National Assembly in the 1998 elections, 73 seats in the 2003 elections, and 90 seats in the 2008 elections, winning the popular vote by the biggest margin ever for a National Assembly election with 58% of the vote. The CPP also won the 2006 Senate elections.

Senior Party Members[4]
Chea Sim Chairman
Heng Samrin Honorary Chairman
Hun Sen Vice Chairman
Hor Namhong Member of the Permanent Committee

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Re: Камбоджа
« Ответ #1 : 27/06/11 , 14:06:32 »
В Камбодже начался суд над четырьмя лидерами красных кхмеров

В чрезвычайном трибунале Камбоджи (ECCC), учрежденном при содействии ООН в 2003 году, начался суд над четырьмя наиболее высокопоставленными лидерами режима красных кхмеров, которые дожили до настоящего времени. Об этом в понедельник, 27 июня, сообщает The Guardian.
Перед судом предстали "брат номер два" Нуон Чеа (Nuon Chea), бывший председатель президиума правящей партии ("брат номер пять") Кхиеу Сампхан (Khieu Samphan), бывший глава МИДа Иенг Сари (Ieng Sary), а также его жена и экс-министр по социальной защите Иенг Тирит (Ieng Thirith). Всех четверых, в частности, обвиняют в военных преступлениях и преступлениях против человечности.

За исключением Кхиеу Сампхана никто из четырех своей вины не признал и на сотрудничество с судом не пошел. В отношении Нуон Чеа, который был ближайшим соратником Пол Пота, есть лишь косвенные доказательства его причастности к расправам над согражданами. В Камбодже готовится к выходу документальный фильм "Враги народа" ("Enemies of the People"), в котором "брат номер два" в ряде интервью рассказывает, что с согражданами расправлялись потому, что видели в них угрозу для деятельности стоявшей у власти маоистской партии.

Однако, по словам создателей документальной ленты, материалы интервью Нуона Чеа они в суд передавать не собираются. Таким образом, обвинение по делу об оставшихся в живых лидерах красных кхмеров сможет воспользоваться видеозаписями только после выхода фильма в прокат.

В отношении Иенга Сари, по данным The Guardian, может быть вынесен оправдательный приговор. Защита бывшего министра настаивает, что Сари уже был помилован ранее. В 1979 году вьетнамские военные приговорили Сари, как одного из лидеров повстанцев в годы кампучийско-вьетнамского конфликта, к смертной казни. Однако 17 лет спустя король Камбоджи Нородом Сиханук (Norodom Sihanouk) велел помиловать Сари. Тем не менее, по мнению обвинения, помилование распространялось лишь на смертный приговор в отношении экс-министра и не снимает с него уголовной ответственности за совершенные преступления.

Ранее, 26 июля 2010 года, трибунал добился 35-летнего тюремного срока для бывшего "главного палача" красных кхмеров Канга Кек Леу (Kaing Guek Eav), коменданта тюрьмы "Туол Сленг", где содержались противники режима Пол Пота. Позже трибунал сократил срок его заключения до 30 лет, обнаружив процессуальные нарушения, из-за которых обвиняемого держали в тюрьме еще до вынесения вердикта. Впоследствии суд также учел 11 лет, которые Канг Кек Леу ранее провел за решеткой. Таким образом, окончательный срок заключения "палача", признанного виновным в гибели около 15 тысяч человек, составил 19 лет. Однако в конце марта 2011 года адвокаты Канга Кек Леу подали апелляцию с требованием помиловать своего подзащитного.

За 1975-79 годы жертвами режима Пол Пота стали около 1,7 миллиона камбоджийцев. Сам Пол Пот умер в 1998 году, не дождавшись суда.


Нуон Чеа

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Re: Камбоджа
« Ответ #2 : 24/11/11 , 15:18:25 »
23.11.2011, 17:59:43   

Нуон Чеа. Фото ©AFP

На благо родины

Красные кхмеры объяснили геноцид в Камбодже вьетнамской угрозой

Чрезвычайный трибунал по Камбодже (ECCC) начал слушания по "второму делу" лидеров красных кхмеров, обвиняемых в геноциде, преступлениях против человечности, принудительном переселении людей, убийствах и пытках. Ближайший соратник лидера Демократической Кампучии, "брат номер два" Нуон Чеа, во вторник, 22 ноября, изложил суду свое видение истории свободной Камбоджи.

Режим красных кхмеров, установивший 17 апреля 1975 года в камбоджийском королевстве коммунистическую диктатуру аграрного толка, запретивший иностранные языки, религии и валюты, просуществовал почти четыре года, пока в январе 1979 года не был свергнут вьетнамскими войсками. По версии ООН, за годы пребывания у власти Пол Пота в стране от голода, болезней и нищеты погибли и впоследствии были захоронены на "полях смерти" около двух миллионов человек (до четверти населения страны). Десятки тысяч "врагов народа" были замучены в тюрьмах и лагерях.

Сам Пол Пот до трибунала, учрежденного в 2003 году, не дожил. После свержения режима красных кхмеров он почти 20 лет скрывался в джунглях, но в 1997 году был схвачен и вскоре умер от сердечной недостаточности. Отвечать за гибель миллионов камбоджийцев перед трибуналом выпало пяти соратникам диктатора: "брату номер два" Нуон Чеа, бывшему председателю президиума правящей партии (он же "брат номер пять") Кхиеу Сампхану, бывшему главе кампучийского МИДа Иенг Сари, его жене и экс-министру по социальной защите Иенг Тирит, а также главному палачу камбоджийских маоистов, бывшему преподавателю математики Канг Кек Леу.

Канг Кек Леу. Фото (c)AFP

Дело Канг Кек Леу (также известное как "первое дело" красных кхмеров) трибунал выделил в отдельное производство. Слушания по преступлениям палача Пол Пота начались в феврале 2009 года и завершились летом 2010 года. 67-летнего Канг Кек Леу приговорили к 35 годам лишения свободы. Вскоре из-за процессуальных нарушений срок его заключения был сокращен до 30 лет, а потом и вовсе до 19 лет. Суд учел, что на момент вынесения приговора Канг Кек Леу провел за решеткой 11 лет.

Канг Кек Леу фактически стал единственным из лидеров красных кхмеров, полностью признавшим свою вину. На это, судя по всему, повлияло то, что за те 20 лет, пока палач Пол Пота скрывался в джунглях, он, ранее убежденный атеист, обратился к христианству. На суде Канг Кек Леу всячески давал понять, что примет любое наказание за совершенные им преступления. А по версии следствия, бывший начальник тюрьмы "Туол Сленг" был лично причастен к гибели свыше 40 тысяч заключенных.

"Второе дело" красных кхмеров, пожалуй, менее однозначно. В отличие от Канг Кек Леу четверо обвиняемых не оставили после себя подробной документации о проведенных пытках и совершенных убийствах. И судят приближенных Пол Пота по сути за то, что они стояли во главе преступного режима.

Здесь стоит отметить, что до ноябрьского суда дотянули лишь трое из четырех обвиняемых - 85-летний Нуон Чеа, 80-летний Кхиеу Сампхан и 86-летний Иенг Сари. Иенг Тирит участия в слушаниях принимать не будет. Ранее медики диагностировали у 79-летней женщины слабоумие и признаки болезни Альцгеймера. Остальные подсудимые заявили, что готовы предстать перед правосудием, однако своей вины не признают.

"Второе дело" красных кхмеров трибунал решил рассматривать в несколько этапов, разделив вменяемые подсудимым преступления по группам - сначала обвинения в принудительном перемещении камбоджийцев из Пномпеня и других городов в сельские районы, а затем отдельно обвинения в геноциде, пытках, преследовании по религиозным мотивам и убийствах.

21 ноября трибунал начал слушания по первому этапу "второго дела". За три дня заседаний перед судом выступили представители обвинения и сами подсудимые. 5 декабря трибунал начнет заслушивать показания свидетелей с обеих сторон процесса.

В своей речи обвинители назвали троих подсудимых "похитителями времени и обыкновенными убийцами целого поколения камбоджийцев". По словам прокурора Эндрю Кейли (Andrew Cayley), обладая всей полнотой власти в стране, лидеры красных кхмеров решали, кому жить, а кому умереть. "Обвиняемые не могут подтвердить того, что не знали о происходивших в стране преступлениях и не могли их предотвратить", - заявил Кейли.

Выслушав версии обвинения, суд предоставил возможность высказаться "брату номер два" Нуон Чеа и двум другим обвиняемым.

Как пишет The Phnom Penh Post, свое выступление Нуон Чеа превратил в своего рода "урок истории", изложив свое видение событий 30-летней давности. По словам "брата номер два", он давно ждал возможности поведать своему "любимому камбоджийскому народу" о том, что в действительности произошло в годы кампучийской диктатуры.

По версии Нуон Чеа, за всеми бедами камбоджийцев стоит Вьетнам, который с 1930 года пытался любыми способами уничтожить народ кхмеров. По его словам, экспансия вьетнамских агрессоров продолжается и по сей день в виде нелегальной иммиграции в Камбоджу. Соседство двух стран бывший лидер красных кхмеров сравнил с питоном, пожирающим оленя.

Именно вьетнамская агрессия и стала причиной всех бед Демократической Кампучии, уверен Нуон Чеа. Камбоджа, по его словам, нуждалась в немедленном освобождении от вьетнамского колониализма. "Мы хотели освободить Камбоджу от участи прислуги для других стран, хотели построить в Камбодже чистое и независимое общество, не прибегая при этом к убийствам и геноциду", - пояснил обвиняемый.

Вторым виновником бед народа кхмеров Нуон Чеа считает США, устроивших в 1969 году бомбардировки Камбоджи и приведших к власти в стране режим Лон Нола. Большинство камбоджийцев новую власть ненавидели, уверен Нуон Чеа. По мнению "брата номер два", именно простой народ, а не лидеры красных кхмеров, стоит за расправой над членами оккупационного правительства Лон Нола.

Вскрытые братские могилы на одном из "полей смерти" в Камбодже. Фото (c)AFP

Массовую депортацию людей из Пномпеня и других городов в сельскую местность после свержения проамериканского режима Нуон Чеа объяснил обилием в стране предателей и "врагов народа". Вместе с тем в зале суда продемонстрировали отрывок видеозаписи с интервью Нуон Чеа, записанным для документального фильма "Враги народа" ("Enemies of the People"), в котором "брат номер два" признает необходимость убийства "предателей" во имя свободы Камбоджи от захватчиков. "Мы убивали не многих, лишь плохих", - утверждает он в ходе интервью.

Кхиеу Сампхан, который, как сообщалось ранее, якобы начал сотрудничать со следствием, на судебных слушаниях признать свою вину категорически отказался, назвав все обвинения "сказками". Вторя словам Нуон Чеа, он изложил романтическую версию революции красных кхмеров, стремившихся к установлению в Камбодже счастливого коммунистического будущего. По его словам, в годы Демократической Кампучии коммунизм давал надежду миллионам людей. И если бы не агрессия Вьетнама, этим надеждам, по мнению Кхиеу Сампхана, суждено было сбыться.

Третий обвиняемый, прикованный к инвалидной коляске Иенг Сари, в ходе слушаний в очередной раз потребовал освободить его из-под стражи. Защита бывшего главы кампучийского МИДа настаивает на том, что король Камбоджи Нородом Сианук помиловал Сари еще в 1996 году. Обвинение факт помилования признает, но утверждает, что король своей волей освободил бывшего министра лишь от смертной казни, но не от уголовной ответственности.

Несмотря на все красноречие обвиняемых, сообщает Agence France-Presse, слова бывших лидеров красных кхмеров не убедили родственников убитых в 1970-х камбоджийцев. Здесь можно возразить, что из очевидцев зверств красных кхмеров в живых практически никого не осталось, да и на память престарелых фигурантов процесса рассчитывать особенно не приходится. Но говорить о непричастности верхушки революционной Кампучии к гибели миллионов камбоджийцев не менее абсурдно.

Неизвестно, признают ли бывших соратников Пол Пота виновными по всем пунктам обвинения, как неизвестно и то, доживут ли 80-летние старики до конца процесса. В любом случае для Камбоджи суд над лидерами Демократической Кампучии носит сугубо символический характер.

Алексей Михалёв


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Re: Камбоджа
« Ответ #3 : 21/04/12 , 18:33:31 »
Как Пол Пот Кампучию мучил

В одном споре на просторах ЖЖ я привёл следующий аргумент в пользу тезиса о принципиальной разнице между "внутренней" и "внешней" преступностью:

Русские преступники даже теоретически не в состоянии осуществить геноцид русского народа. А вот кавказские преступники - в состоянии не только теоретически, но и практически. Что, кстати, они уже и продемонстрировали в Чечне.

смысл этой фразы в том, что этнически однородное сообщество не может осуществить своё полное истребление, то есть совершить самогеноцид, а вот геноцид одного этноса другим - явление, известное истории. При этом надо понимать, что и в моноэтническом обществе может установиться прямо-таки кошмарный режим, и оно не застраховано от всех форм эксплуатации и унижения, но всё-таки до самого страшного - полного исчезновения с лица земли не доходит.

В качестве контраргумента мне привели режим "красных кхмеров":

-/Русские преступники даже теоретически не в состоянии осуществить геноцид русского народа.
да запросто.
вон Пол Пот устроил свой личный маленький геноцид.
свой - своих
очкастых и прочих слишком умных соплеменников тяпкой по балде пригладили, ну а потом и за остальеых принялись

Возражение показалось мне интересным и я решил провести исследование (впрочем, весьма поверхностное) случая Кампучии: не является ли это примером самогеноцида (который я полагаю невозможным). Надо сказать, что до этого о "красных кхемерах" я знал очень мало, а в своём исследовании опирался на данные англоязычной Википедии. Итак, что обнаружилось?

1. Начнём с названия - "Красные кхмеры".  Кхмеры - это народ, составляющий основу Камбоджии, название режима соответствует чему-то типа "красные русские", если проводить параллели с Россией. Правда, это название неофицальное и неизвестно, пользовались ли им сами "красные кхемры". Думаю, что да, поскольку даже в англоязычных источниках их называют "khmer rouge", а не "red khmers", то есть имеет место калькирование с французского языка (по общепринятой версии во Франции училось большниство руководителей "красных кхмеров", поскольку Камбоджия была до 1953 года колонией Франции). Официальное же название партии в период её правления: Коммунистическая партия Кампучии, однако с 1951 (момент образования) до 1960 года партия называлась Кхмерская Народная Революционная Партия.

2. В Камбоджии есть национальное меньшиство - китайцы. Сейчас их около 1,2 миллиона из 14,7 миллионов (1/12 всего населения), а к моменту прихода к власти "красных кхмеров" их было около 0,4 миллиона из 7,3 миллионов (1/18 всего населения). Исходя из приниципа "коммунистического интернационализма" (и тезиса о самогеноциде кхмеров) следовало бы ожидать, что среди высшего руководства КПК процент этнических китайцев будет где-то в районе 10. Так ли это?

3. Руководство КПК осуществлялось Постоянной комиссией Центрального комитета КПК (я так понимаю, что это аналог "малого" Политбюро КПСС) вот его персональный состав:

1. Пол Пот - "брат №1", генеральный секретарь КПК, неформальный лидер движения - этнический китаец;
2. Нуон Чеа - "брат №2", глава правительства, главный идеолог - этнический китаец;
3. Иенг Сари - "брат №3", заместитель главы правительства - мать - китаянка, шурин Пол Пота;
4. Кхиеу Сампхан - "брат №4", формальный глава Демократической Кампучии - этнический китаец;
5. Та Мок - "брат №5", партийный секретарь Юго-западной Зоны - этнический китаец;
6. Сон Сен - "брат №89", министр обороны и местной ЧК - "по некоторым сведениям" этнический китаец;
7. Юн Ят - "товарищ Ат", министр информации - жена Сон Сена, этническое происхождение неизвестно;
8. Ке Пак - "брат №13", партийный секретарь Северной зоны - этническое происхождение неизвестно;

Таким образом, из 8 членов Постоянной комиссии - 5 китайцев, одни полукитаец и 2 предположительно кхмера. Соотношение прямо обратное этническому составу населения. Обращает на себя внимание то, что никаких списков "братьев" нет, поэтому понять сколько же их было нельзя.

4. Получается, что занятся геноцидом кхмеры решили ровно в тот момент, когда руководство страной перешло в руки китайцев. Что-то это мне подозрительно напоминает...
Этнический состав руководства "красных кхмеров" проясняет и некоторые странности режима, например полную анонимность руководства - рядовые кампучийцы не знали ни имён, ни внешнего облика своих правителей.

5. Внешняя политика "красных кхмеров" при кажущейся своей безумности по факту была абсолютно прокитайской. Едва придя к власти "красные китайцы кхмеры" немедленно начали вялотекущую войну с Вьетнамом - традиционным соперником Китая в этом регионе. Война продолжалась несмотря на неоднократные попытки вьетнамского правительства решить дело миром, поскольку никакого смысла в войне оно не видело. А "красные китайцы кхмеры" цель видели - и целью этой было мучать Вьетнам. В конце концов вьетнамцы это поняли и в конце 1978 - начале 1979 года закончили войну одним ударом, проведя большое наступление.
Вьетнам рассчитывал на то, что прекратив людоедский режим "красных китайцев кхмеров", он получит международное одобрение, но случилось по другому: США, которые к тому времени достигли стратегических договорённостей с Китаем внезапно(!) прониклись уважением к демократическом выбору народа Камбоджии подвергнуться геноциду и жёстко Вьетнам запрессовали. Вьетнаму пришлось спасаться в объятиях СССР, кои он любезно распахнул, в обмен в мае 1979 года получив бесплатно сроком на 25 лет базу Камрань (которую в 2001 году Путин прое пролюбил).
Одновременно невероятно озаботился судьбой Пол Пота и Китай. Да настолько сильно, что объявил Вьетнаму войну и вторгся в него. Вьетнамцы оказались не промах и через месяц война закончилась перемирием. Хотя напряжение между странами спало лишь к 90-м годам. Вьетнаму же пришлось до 1989 года оккупировать Камбоджу пока она оправлялась после кровавой оргии "красных китайцев кхмеров" и сидеть в международной изоляции, в то время как Китай налаживал связи с США и Европой.

6. Серьёзным возражением против гипотезы о том, что режим "красных кхмеров" - большая спецоперация Китая по противодействию Ветнаму является судьба китайского меньшинства в Кампучии. Но и здесь не всё понятно. Дело в том, что сразу по приходу к власти "красные кхмеры" все национальности взяли да и отменили своим указом, поэтому сами "красные кхмеры" этнических чисток не проводили. Китайцы же страдали как представители "буржуазии" и городские жители ("красные кхемеры" решили отменить города). Сообщается, что часть из них бежала, часть погибла и  к концу правления "красных кхмеров" их осталось около 200 тысяч, то есть примерно половина от начального числа. Однако, насколько точна эта цифра, сказать сложно, поскольку вьетнамские оккупанты действительно китайцев недолюбливали и убивали их при каждом удобном случае. Да так, что за время вьетнамской оккупации число китайцев снизилось до 64 тысяч. Понятно, что у Вьетнама есть прямой резон занижать число китайцев "на входе", поскольку "на выходе" оно известно.
В любом случае, во время правления "красных кхмеров" Китай на притеснения китайцев с их стороны не жаловался, а "буржуазии" и в самом Китае пришлось несладко.

7. Вывод. А вывод напрашивается такой:

В Камбоджии под видом "красных кхмеров" к власти пришли китайцы. Причём, учитывая анонимность руководства "красных кхмеров" не исключено, что среди них был и представители спецслужб Китая. Эти китайцы под видом "революционных преобразований" устроили в Камбоджии одновременно и геноцид кхмеров и уничтожение материальной культуры Камбоджии, что в совокупности отбросило её в развитии на десятки лет. Одновременно управляющие Камбоджией под видом "красных кхмеров" китайцы развязали войну с Вьетнамом, неимеющую никаких собственно камбоджийскийх целей, зато крайне выгодную традиционному противнику Вьетнама - Китаю, который использовал военную операцию Вьетнама по свержению режима "красных кхмеров" для проведения собственного вторжения во Вьетнам, в ходе которого Китай проводил политику выжженой земли, стремясь нанести Вьетнаму максимальный экономический ущерб. Также война с Камбоджией привела к международной изоляции Вьетнама, что более чем на 10 лет отсрочило его вступление в гонку за размещение у себя западноориентированных промышленных производств.

Соответственно и на вопрос: "а не сами ли себе кхмеры геноцид устроили?" ответ такой: "Нет, не сами, китайские товарищи помогли".


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Re: Камбоджа
« Ответ #4 : 14/03/13 , 12:51:48 »

07:01, 14 марта 2013
Скончался лидер красных кхмеров Иенг Сари

Иенг Сари, май 2012 года
Фото: Nhet Sokheng / AFP
Один из лидеров красных кхмеров Иенг Сари, занимавший при Пол Поте пост главы МИД, скончался на 88 году жизни, сообщает Agence France-Presse в четверг, 14 марта. Иенг Сари, обвиняемый в преступлениях против человечности, умер в одной из больниц Пномпеня, куда он был госпитализирован 4 марта, заявили представители медицинского учреждения, не став сообщать никаких иных подробностей.

Экс-глава МИД был одним из обвиняемых на процессе над лидерами красных кхмеров, который начался в Камбодже в ноябре 2011 года. Кроме Иенга Сари перед трибуналом тогда предстали: «брат номер два» Нуон Чеа — главный идеолог красных кхмеров и экс-председатель президиума правившей партии Кхиеу Сампхан. Им, в частности, вменялась в вину причастность к геноциду 1,7 миллиона человек в 1975-1979 годах, во время правления Пол Пота.

Суд над Иенгом Сари, Нуоном Чеа и Кхиеу Сампханом, который до сих пор не завершен, стал вторым процессом над лидерами красных кхмеров. Единственным представителем режима Пол Пота, осужденным за свои преступления, остается Канг Кек Леу, возглавлявший при красных кхмерах тюрьму S21, в которой погибли около 20 тысяч заключенных. В 2010 году Канг Кек Леу был приговорен к 30 годам тюрьмы.


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Re: Камбоджа
« Ответ #5 : 20/05/15 , 13:53:10 »

90 лет "самому страшному коммунисту в истории"


90 лет назад, 19 мая 1925 года, родился человек, которого противники наделили имиджем "самого страшного коммунистического правителя в истории". При рождении его звали Салот Сар, позднее он принял революционное прозвище, под которым и вошёл в историю — Пол Пот. Кстати, это расшифровывается почти совсем по-русски — сокращение от слов "политик потенциальный".
В русский фольклор Пол Пот тоже вошёл, ещё году в 1979-м — в качестве персонажа частушки, которая в смягчённом цензурном варианте звучит как:
Я тебя замучаю,
Как Пол Пот Кампучию!
Кстати, автор этих строк, ещё в доперестроечные советские времена, будучи школьником, тоже внёс свой маленький вклад в формирование "адского имиджа" Пол Пота — делал в школе политинформации, на которых рассказывал разные подробности о "зверствах полпотовского режима". Вроде вычитанного в какой-то советской газете описания крокодиловых ферм, на которых рептилий кормили живыми людьми. На тогдашних школьников это производило изрядное впечатление... Помню карикатуру из журнала "Крокодил" года 1980-го: по дороге, вымощенной черепами, едет машина с надписью "Скорая американская помощь". Из неё высовывается водитель — дядя Сэм и спрашивает у какого-то малосимпатичного азиатского военного: "Эй, парень, как проехать к Пол Поту?". На что тот отвечает: "По этой дороге — мы прямо к нему мостили!".
Конечно, и СССР, и поддерживавший Пол Пота с 1979 года Запад приложили все усилия, чтобы изобразить его в облике абсолютно адского чудовища. Но были ли правдивы все эти сочные ужасы, и если да, то в какой степени, вот в чём вопрос? Наверное, на него смогут ответить только будущие историки, если они сумеют очистить факты от всех напластований лжи (что вряд ли).
Но вот пара отрывков из встретившихся мне сейчас в Сети статей о Пол Поте — замечу, статей, вовсе не положительных, а наоборот, написанных в жанре "жизнеописание монстра":

"Салот Сар, прославившийся под партийной кличкой Пол Пот, был совершенно нетипичным диктатором. Находясь на вершине власти, он придерживался абсолютной аскезы, питался скудно, носил неброскую чёрную гимнастерку и не присваивал ценности репрессированных, объявленных «врагами народа». Огромная власть не развратила его. Для себя лично он ничего не хотел, всего себя посвятив служению своему народу и построению нового общества счастья и справедливости. Он не имел ни дворцов, ни автомобилей, ни роскошных женщин, ни личных счетов в банке.
Перед смертью ему нечего было завещать жене и четырем дочерям — у него не было ни своего дома, ни даже квартиры, а все его скудное имущество, состоявшее из пары заношенных гимнастерок, палки для ходьбы, да бамбукового веера, сгорело вместе с ним в костре из старых автомобильных покрышек, в котором его кремировали бывшие соратники на следующий же день после его смерти."
"Не было никакого культа личности и не было никаких портретов вождя. Никто в этой стране даже не знал, кто ими правит. Вождь и его соратники были безымянны и называли друг друга не по именам, а по порядковым номерам: «товарищ первый», «товарищ второй» — и так далее. Сам же Пол Пот взял себе скромный восемьдесят седьмой номер, он так и подписывался под своими декретами и приказами: «Товарищ 87»."
Пол Пот очень редко позволял себя фотографировать. Тем не менее одна из его фотографий попалась на глаза его родным брату и сестре, которые, как и все прочие «буржуазые элементы», были отправлены на перевоспитание в трудовой концлагерь. «Оказывается, нами правит маленький Салот!», — в шоке воскликнула сестра. "Пол Пот, конечно, знал, что его близкие родственники оказались репрессированными, но он, как истинный революционер, считал, что не имеет права ставить личные интересы превыше общественных, и потому не предпринял никаких попыток облегчить их участь."
Сам Пол Пот говорил: "С точки зрения нереволюционного мировоззрения, жизнь даётся, чтобы иметь дом, достояние, делать карьеру, вкусно есть и веселиться. С точки же зрения революционного мировоззрения, жизнь дана для революции."

Фото Пол Пота в разные годы жизни

После смерти Пол Пота на его могиле воздвигли часовню. Кампучийцы съезжаются со всех концов своей необъятной родины и молятся Пол Поту. Говорят, что Пол Пот открывает праведникам выигрышные лотерейные номера и иногда лечит болезни.
А это дочь Пол Пота (родилась в 1986 году), в 2014-м году она вступила в брак. Вполне гламурная дама, ведущая, как говорят, светский богемный образ жизни...

В общем, пока кампучийцы молятся безбожнику Пол Поту, как буддийскому святому, его дочь "имеет дом, достояние, делает карьеру, вкусно ест и веселится".
Такие дела.