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Communist Party of Ireland
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Communist Party of Ireland
Pirt Cumannach na hireann

Founded   1933

Leader   Collective leadership (National Executive Committee). National chairperson: Lynda Walker. General secretary: Eugene McCartan
Headquarters   43 East Essex Street, Dublin 2

Political Ideology   Marxism-Leninism[1]
International Affiliation   World Communist Movement
European Affiliation   None
European Parliament Group   None

Website   www.communistpartyofireland.ie

See also   Politics of Ireland
Political parties
Elections in Ireland

The Communist Party of Ireland (CPI; Irish: Pirt Cumannach na hireann) is a small all-Ireland Marxist party, founded in 1933. An earlier party, the Socialist Party of Ireland, was renamed the Communist Party of Ireland in 1921 on its affiliation to the Communist International but was dissolved in 1924. The present-day CPI was founded in 1933 by the Revolutionary Workers' Groups. In 1941 the part of the party in the Republic suspended its activities, while the northern area continued to operate under the name Communist Party (Northern Ireland). The party was re-established in the Republic in 1948 under the name Irish Workers' League, which changed its name in 1962 to Irish Workers' Party. The two sections reunited as the Communist Party of Ireland in 1970.

In the first half of the 20th century the CPI failed to change what it deemed to be the authoritarian and strict Catholic political culture of Ireland and its office was burned down on one occasion. The party provided the core of the Irish volunteers in the 1936–39 Spanish Civil War, losing a number of members who were killed in action.

Historically the party belonged to the wing of international communism that looked to the Soviet Union for inspiration. In the mid 1960s the U.S. State Department estimated the party membership to be approximately 100.[2] The party grew consistently through the 1960s and 70s and early 1980s. In the late 1980s membership declined significantly during the collapse of the USSR, but the party survived the 1990s and has since been rebuilding. The party’s aim is to win the support of the majority of the Irish people for ending the capitalist system and for building socialism. It is actively opposed to neo-liberalism and to the European Union. Internationally it maintains fraternal relations with other communist and workers’ parties and is a strong supporter of Cuba and Venezuela.

The general secretary of the party is Eugene McCartan. The Belfast District produces a weekly paper called Unity, while the Dublin District produces a monthly paper called Socialist Voice. There are also branches in Cork, Galway, and Mid-Ulster.

While it is a registered party, the CPI has rarely run candidates in elections and has never had electoral success. Despite this it has had a significant influence in the trade union movement and was actively involved in the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association. In addition, a number of prominent Irish Labour Party members were former members of the CPI[citation needed]. The CPI operates a bookshop in Dublin called Connolly Books and has the support of a youth organisation, the Connolly Youth Movement. Both are named after the Irish socialist James Connolly.
Workers' Party of Ireland
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
  (Redirected from Workers Party of Ireland)   It has been suggested that Official Sinn Fin be merged into this article or section. (Discuss)

Workers' Party of Ireland

Founded   1982

Leader   Mick Finnegan
Headquarters   24 Mountjoy Square,
Dublin 1

Political Ideology   Socialism,
International Affiliation   International Communist and Workers' Parties
European Affiliation   None
European Parliament Group   None
Colours   Red, Green

Website   www.workerspartyireland.net

See also   Politics of Ireland
Political parties
Elections in Ireland

The Workers' Party of Ireland (in Irish Pirt na nOibrithe, though its logo translates it erroneously as Pairti Na nOibri), is a left-wing Irish political party that developed from Official Sinn Fin and the Official IRA.Contents [hide]
1 Origins
2 Political development
3 IRSP/INLA Split and Feud
4 Change of name
5 Electoral performance (Republic of Ireland)
6 Electoral performance (Northern Ireland)
7 The 1992 split
8 The party today
9 Alleged links with North Korea
10 Party Presidents
11 Elected Representatives
12 See also
13 References
14 External links


The modern origins of the party can be found in the early 1960s. After the failure of the IRA's 1956-62 "Border Campaign" the republican movement, with a new military and political leadership, undertook a complete reappraisal of its raison d'tre. Under the guidance of figures such as Cathal Goulding and Sean Garland, the leadership of both Sinn Fin and the IRA sought to shift their emphasis away from the traditional republican goal of a 32 County Irish Republic redeemed (as Republicans regarded the republic declared in 1916 as still in existence) by military action and concentrate more on socialism and civil rights related activities. In doing so they gradually abandoned the military focus that had previously characterised republicanism. The leadership were substantially influenced by a group who had been active in the Communist Party of Great Britain's Connolly Association. (Others from the Connolly Association later founded the Irish Communist Organisation; which took a radically different path while still rejecting physical force republicanism).

As the leadership attempted to guide the movement in a more Marxist orientated direction a growing minority within the rank-and-file wanted to maintain traditional militarist policies aimed at ending British rule in Northern Ireland. In 1970 Sinn Fin split after the organisation voted to recognise the authority of Dil ireann with the majority 'Officials' focusing on building a revolutionary Marxist party in Ireland and the minority Provisionals endeavouring to achieve a united Ireland by force [1].

The split of 1970 was not necessarily one between Marxist-orientated innovators and Catholic-orientated traditionalists. A key factor in the split was the desire of what became the Provisionals to make military action the key object of the organisation, rather than a simple rejection of leftism. On the other hand, conservatives in the Republic of Ireland sought to use their power and influence (such as through the supply of weapons) to dissipate the influence of the Marxists. [2] [3]

Political development

Although the Official IRA was drawn into the spiraling violence of the early period of conflict in Northern Ireland it did declare a permanent ceasefire in May 1972. Following this the movement's political development increased rapidly throughout the 1970s. On the national question the Officials saw the struggle against religious sectarianism and bigotry as their primary task. In their view working class unity within Northern Ireland now had to be achieved prior to the establishment of a united Ireland. In 1977 the party published and accepted as policy a document called the Irish Industrial Revolution. Written by Eoghan Harris and Eamon Smullen it outlined the party's economic stance and declared that the ongoing violence in Northern Ireland was "distracting working class attention from the class struggle to a mythical national question." The policy document used Marxist jargon, and identified American imperialism as the now dominant political and economic force in the southern state and attacked the failure of the national bourgeoisie to develop Ireland as a modern economic power.[4]

Throughout the 1980s the party became staunch opponents of terrorism and were one of the few organisations on the left of Irish politics to oppose the republican hunger strike of 1981. The WP (especially the faction around Harris) was strongly critical of traditional Irish Nationalism,causing some of its critics to accuse it of having an attitude to Northern Ireland that was close to Ulster Unionism. [5] [6] As well as the developments at home international links were forged with the USSR and other socialist, workers' and communist parties from around the world.

IRSP/INLA Split and Feud

In 1974 there was a split in the Official Republican Movement, over the ceasefire and the direction of the organisation, this led to the formation of the Irish Republican Socialist Party(IRSP) with Seamus Costello who had been expelled from the OIRA as its chairperson, also formed were its paramilitary wing Irish National Liberation Army(INLA). There was a number of tit for tat killings in this feud up to 1977 when eventually a truce was reached.[7]

Change of name

In 1977 the Officials, renamed themselves Sinn Fin The Workers' Party, under which title they would win their first seats in Dil ireann. In 1979 a motion at the Ard Fheis to remove the Sinn Fin prefix from the party name was narrowly defeated. The change finally came about three years later. In Northern Ireland they were organised under the name Republican Clubs (a name that had first been used to escape an earlier ban, introduced in 1964 under Northern Ireland's Emergency Powers Act) until 1981 when they renamed themselves The Workers' Party Republican Clubs. In 1982 both the northern and southern sections became simply The Workers' Party.[8]

Electoral performance (Republic of Ireland)

The Workers' Party became a significant political force in the Republic in the 1980s, benefiting from disillusionment with poor public services, high taxes and mass unemployment. The party made its electoral breakthrough in 1981 when Joe Sherlock won a seat in Cork East. They increased this to three seats in 1982 and to four seats in 1987. 1989 witnessed the Workers' Party's best performance at the polls when it won seven seats in the Irish general election as well as winning one seat and 7% of the vote in the European election. This was their highest ever share of the vote in the Republic with over 70,000 votes in the Dublin constituency being sufficient to have the party president, Proinsias De Rossa, elected to the European Parliament, where he took a seat with the communist Left Unity group. During the late 1980's the party also strengthened its links with left-leaning organisations and Communist groups in other countries.

Following the split of 1992 Toms Mac Giolla, a TD in the Dublin West constituency and President of the party for most of the previous 30 years, was the only member of the Dil parliamentary party not to side with Democratic Left. Although Mac Giolla was to lose his seat in the general election later that year he would be elected Lord Mayor of Dublin in 1993. The Workers' Party also maintained elected representation on Dublin, Cork and Waterford corporations in the aftermath of the split. In recent years further electoral setbacks have left the party with only two councillors in the Republic after the 2004 Local Elections, both of whom were based in Waterford. The party currently has one councillor in Waterford and one in Cork.

Electoral performance (Northern Ireland)

The party's fortunes were very different north of the border. They gained ten seats at the 1973 Northern Irish local elections. Four years later, in May 1977, this had dropped to six council seats and 2.6% of the vote. One of their best results was when Tom French polled 19% in the 1986 Upper Bann by-election, although no other candidates stood against the sitting MP and a year later, when other parties contested the constituency, he only polled 4.7%.[9] Three councillors left the party during the split in 1992. One, Davy Kettyles became an independent 'Progressive Socialist' while the others, Gerry Cullen in Dungannon and the WP northern chairman Seamus Lynch in Belfast, joined Democratic Left. They held onto their solitary council seat in the 1993 local elections with Peter Smyth retaining the seat formerly held by Tom French in Craigavon. This was lost in 1997, leaving them without elected representation in Northern Ireland.

In common with all other main parties, the WP is currently registered with the British Electoral Commission, which covers Northern Ireland, with John Lowry named as its leader.[10]

The 1992 split

In early 1992, following a failed attempt to change the organisation's constitution, six of the seven party TDs, its MEP, numerous councillors and a significant minority of its membership broke off to form Democratic Left, a party which would later merge with the Labour Party in 1999. The reasons for the split were twofold. Firstly, a faction led by Proinsias De Rossa[11] wanted to move the party towards an acceptance of free market economics. Following the collapse of communism in eastern Europe they felt that the Workers' Party's Marxist stance was now an obstacle to winning support at the polls. Secondly, media accusations[12] had once again surfaced regarding the continued existence of the Official IRA who it was alleged remained armed and were involved in fund-raising robberies, money laundering and other forms of criminality.

De Rossa and his supporters sought to distance themselves from alleged paramilitary activity at a special Ardfheis (delegate conference)held at Dn Laoghaire in on 15 February 1992. A motion proposed by De Rossa and General Secretary Des Geraghty sought to stand down the existing membership, elect an 11 member provisional executive council and make several other significant changes in party structures was defeated. Many of those who subsequently remained with the Workers' Party in the wake of the split regarded those who broke away as careerists and social democrats who had taken flight after the collapse of the Soviet Union and denounced those who left as 'liquidators'.[13]

The motion to "reconstitute" the party achieved the support of 61% of delegates however this was short of the two thirds majority needed to change the WP constitution. There were also claims of widespread vote rigging by the supporters of the De Rossa motion.[14] As a result of the conference's failure to adopt the motion, De Rossa and his supporters split from the organisation and established a new party which was temporarily known as New Agenda before the permanent name of Democratic Left was adopted.

In the North before the 1992 Split the party had 4 councillors, Tom French stayed with the party, Gerry Cullen (Dungannon) and Seamus Lynch (Belfast) joined New Agenda/Democratic Left, and David Kettyles ran in subsequent elections in Fermanagh as an Independent or Progressive Socialist.[15]

While the majority of public representatives left with De Rossa, many ordinary members remained in the Workers' Party. The party replaced De Rossa as President with Marian Donnelly who served from 1992 to 1994. In 1994 Tom French became President and served for four years until Sean Garland was elected President in 1998. He retired as President in May 2008 and was replaced by Mick Finnegan.

The party today

The Workers' Party has struggled since the early nineties to rejuvenate its fortunes. Its best performance at the polls in the Republic of Ireland has been in Waterford where it performed well in the 1992 and 1997 general elections. Outside of the south east the WP retains active branches in various areas of the Republic, including Dublin, Cork and County Louth. The party has faced similar problems in Northern Ireland in recent years. It performed poorly in the March 2007 Assembly election. No seats were won and its best result came in West Belfast where it gained 1.26% of the vote. The party maintains a youth wing, Workers' Party Youth, as well as a Women's Committee. They also have offices in Dublin, Belfast, Cork and Waterford. In recent years, apart from its political work at home in Ireland, it has also sent numerous party delegations to international gatherings of communist and socialist parties.

The party continues to hold a strongly anti-sectarian position and supported an independent anti-sectarian candidate, John Gilliland in the 2004 European elections in Northern Ireland.[16]

In February 2008 Cllr John Halligan of Waterford resigned from the party when it refused to drop its opposition to service charges[17]. He subsequently became Mayor of Waterford after joining a pact with Fine Gael, the Labour Party and a number of others.[18]

Mick Finnegan is the current party President, having been elected at the party's Ard fheis on 16/17 May 2008 to replace Sen Garland who had announced his decision to retire from the position after ten years[19]. The General Secretary is John Lowry and the party's Director of International Affairs is Gerry Grainger.

The Workers' Party called for a No vote in the June 2008 Lisbon Treaty referendum and was part of the successful No campaign.[20]

The party fielded twelve candidates in 2009 Local Elections[21], also the party is running Malachy Steenson[22] in the Dublin Central by-election.

In the June 2009 local elections, Ted Tynan was elected to Cork City Council in the Cork City North East ward.[23] Davy Walsh retained his seat in Waterford City Council.[24]

Alleged links with North Korea

On June 20, 2004, the BBC documentary program Panorama alleged that party president Sen Garland was involved in counterfeiting of US dollars. On October 7, 2005, Garland was arrested by the Police Service of Northern Ireland at the party's annual conference in Belfast. He was released on bail pending an extradition hearing to the United States. The US government alleges that Garland conspired with the North Korean government to import counterfeit $100 notes into the US. [25] Garland has since jumped bail and returned to his home to the Republic of Ireland, and "placed himself under the protection of the Irish constitution and court system." He had sought bail successfully on medical grounds and assured the court that he would reattend to face his extradition hearing. The US requested the extradition of Sean Garland in January 2009 and was arrested by the Garda outside the Workers Pary Offices in Dublin. [26]

Party Presidents
Toms Mac Giolla (1962-1988)
Proinsias De Rossa (1988-1992)
Marian Donnelly (1992-1994)
Tom French (1994-1998)
Sen Garland (1998-2008)
Mick Finnegan (2008-Present)

Elected Representatives
Davy Walsh - Councillor - Waterford City Council.
Ted Tynan - Councillor - Cork City Council.


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Re: Ирландия
« Ответ #1 : 22/01/13 , 14:26:46 »

Пленум Национального исполнительного комитета Коммунистической партии Ирландии (КПИ), состоявшийся в декабре 2012 года отметил, что как на национальном, так и на международном уровне капиталистическая система сталкивается с новыми и более серьёзными проблемами. Рост экономики незначителен или вообще отсутствует, и вполне вероятно, что ведущие капиталистические экономики вошли в период  длительного  застоя. Нарастающие трудности не позволяют лидерам Европейского Союза найти выход из кризиса государственно-монополистического капитализма и евро, и любое решение в какой-либо области вызывает трудности в других областях. КПИ считает, что для государственно-монополистического капитализма, возможно, наступил момент, когда меры, призванные исправить один аспект кризиса усугубляют положение других областях, что приводит к углублению кризиса в целом. Если это так, то капитализм находится в крайне тяжелом положении, потому что он всегда использовал государство, как важнейшее средство для адаптации, маневрирования и стабилизации своего положения на протяжении большей части двадцатого века. Подталкивание со стороны ЕС к большему налоговому и денежно-кредитному регулированию следует рассматривать и понимать именно в этом контексте. Все чаще демократия является препятствием и слишком медленным способом отклика на постоянные кризисы. Ирландское и британское правительства продолжают реагировать на кризис именно таким способом: ухудшением условий труда, увеличением рабочего времени, сокращением зарплат, пенсий и других пособий. Они отнимают средства у народа, чтобы передать их финансовым структурам в надежде на сохранение капитала и системы в целом. Недавние беспорядки под флагом лоялистов (приверженцев британского правления в Северной Ирландии, как правило, протестантов) ничем не помогли рабочим-протестантам, хотя они и отражают чувства изоляции и заброшенности в Северной Ирландии. Участие уголовных и фашистских элементов весьма значительно и очень опасно. Беспорядки отвлекают внимание от реального кризиса, переживаемого всеми трудящимися на севере. Они отражают скорее бессилие, чем силу. На самом деле необходимо выстраивать единство нашего народа на севере и на юге, единство католической и протестантской частей, чтобы ответить на давление британского правительства и ЕС и их прислуги в лице исполнительной власти на Севере и ирландского правительства. Последний бюджет Южной части страны знаменует новый этап нажима на трудящихся, целый ряд новых налогов, сокращения бюджетов в здравоохранении и образовании, ухудшение положения пожилых людей, инвалидов и тех, кто заботится о них. КПИ отмечает, что всё это  будет продолжаться, и уровень жизни будет падать, поскольку власти чувствуют свою безнаказанность. Они хотят, чтобы большинство трудящихся занялось натуральным хозяйством. Партия приветствует растущее понимание огромного долгового бремени, навязанного ирландцам ЕС и ирландским истеблишментом. Недавние профсоюзные демонстрации в Белфасте и Дублине были явным признаком того, что в профсоюзах видят важность мобилизации и открытой, активной агитации в интересах не только своих членов, но и общества в целом. КПИ призвала к максимальной поддержке предлагаемого дня действий 9 февраля против выплат € 3100 миллионов к 31 марта. Это небольшой, но важный шаг вперед. Но этого не достаточно, и профсоюзное движение должно идти гораздо дальше, чтобы подготовиться к остановке национальной промышленности в ближайшем будущем, чтобы добиться не только отмены оплаты векселя, но и отказа от долга. Нет «хороших» и «плохих» долгов. Нужно видеть четкую связь между ужесточением политики властей и оплатой одиозного долга. КПИ призывает к широкой мобилизации людей против встречи восьмерки - Международного исполнительного комитета империализма, планируемой на 2013 год. Необходимо обеспечить максимально возможное единство профсоюзов, сообществ, сторонников мира и борцов за права человека, молодежи и групп защитников окружающей среды, для демонстрации протеста против этого учреждения глобального империалистического господства. Ирландские власти не только не способны разработать меры по созданию рабочих мест и обеспечению социальной защиты, но они не в состоянии создать общество, основанное на равенстве и справедливости. Ужасная смерть Савиты Халаппнавар в больнице Голуэй из-за отказа в праве на аборт для спасения жизни, показывает, что существующая система здравоохранения предоставляет реальную и постоянную опасность для жизни женщин, она давно устарела и антидемократична по своей сути.

Источник: http://rkrp-rpk.ru/content/view/8690/1/

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Re: Ирландия
« Ответ #2 : 27/01/13 , 15:51:18 »
26 января 2013 г. скончался Джеймс Стюарт, руководитель Коммунистической партии Ирландии в 1984-2002.