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People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan

Leader   Last leader: Mohammad Najibullah
Founded   January 1, 1965
Dissolved   March, 1992[1]
Headquarters   Kabul, Republic of Afghanistan
Newspaper   The Khalq (1966)
Parcham (1969)
Youth wing   Democratic Youth Organization of Afghanistan
Membership   50,000 (December, 1978-January, 1979)[2]
70-100,000 (April-June, 1982)[2]
160,000 (Late 1980s)[3]
Ideology   Communism, Marxism-Leninism
Official colors   Red

The People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) (Pashto:     ?? ??) was a communist party established on the 1 January, 1965. While a minority the party helped former president of Afghanistan, Mohammed Daoud Khan to overthrow his cousin Mohammed Zahir Shah and established Daoud's Republic of Afghanistan. Daoud would eventually become a strong nemesis of the party, firing PDPA politicians from high ranking jobs in the government. This would lead to shaking relations with the Soviet Union.

In 1978 the PDPA with help from the Afghan army seized power from Daoud in what is known as the Saur Revolution. Before the civilian government was established, Afghan air force colonel Abdul Qadir Dagarwal was the official ruler of Afghanistan for three days, starting from 27 April 1978. Dagarwal was eventually replaced by Nur Muhammad Taraki. After the Saur Revolution, the PDPA established the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan which would last until 1987. After National Reconciliation talks in 1987 the official name of the country was the Republic of Afghanistan, the republic lasted until 1992 under the leadership of Mohammad Najibullah and acting president for the last twelve days, Abdul Rahim Hatef. Under PDPA rule of Afghanistan, the country would have an golden age in health care, education and economy among others, while most of the countries infrastructure built by the PDPA was destroyed by the Mujahideen and Taliban forces from 1992-until the US invasion of Afghanistan. Because of this, much of the PDPA's work and accomplishments has been forgotten by the Afghan people and foreign nations.[4]Contents [hide]
1 Formation and early political activities
1.1 The Khalqs and the Parchams
1.2 Reconciliation
2 Khalq rule
2.1 The Saur Revolution
2.2 New reforms
3 Parcham rule
3.1 National reconciliation
3.2 Homeland Front
4 References
5 External links

Formation and early political activities
Main articles: Politburo of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan and Central Committee of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan

Nur Mohammad Taraki started his political career as an Afghan journalist. And in 1952 he was recruited as an agent for the Soviet Union with the codename NUR. On the 1 January, 1965 Taraki with Babrak Karmal established the Democratic People's Party of Afghanistan, while at the beginning the party was running under the name People's Democratic Tendency, since there were no officially political party law in Afghanistan at that time.[5] The party held its First Congress meeting on January 1, 1965. Twenty-seven gentlemen gathered at Taraki's house in Kabul, elected Taraki as the first party Secretary General and Karmal as Deputy Secretary General, and chose a five-member Central Committee also called a Politburo. Taraki was later invited by the Communist Party of the Soviet Unions International Department in Moscow later that year.[6]

The PDPA was known in Afghan society at that time as having strong ties with the Soviet Union, the party itself was established for winning parliamentary seats in the Afghan Parliament. Eventually the PDPA was able to get four of its members in to parliament. Later on Taraki established the first radical newspaper in Afghan history under the name The Khalq, the newspaper was eventually forced to stop publishing in 1966 by the government.[7]

The Khalqs and the Parchams
Main articles: Khalq and Parcham

In 1967 the party itself divided itself into several political sects, the biggest being the Khalqs and the Parchams. These new divisions started because of ideological and economic reasons. Most of Khalqs supporters came from Pashtuns from the rural areas in the country. The Parchams supporters mostly came from urban citizens who supported social-economic reforms in the country. The Khalqs accused the Parchams to be under the allegiance of King Mohammed Zahir Shah. Because the Parcham newspaper the Parcham was tolerated by the king himself and their for published from March, 1968-July, 1969.[7][8]

Karmal sought, unsuccessfully, to persuade the PDPA Central Committee to censure Taraki's excessive extreme radicalism. The vote, however, was close, and Taraki in turn tried to neutralize Karmal by appointing new members to the committee who were his own supporters. After this insidant, Karmal offered his resignation, which was accepted by the Politburo. Although the split of the PDPA in 1967 into two groups was never publicly announced, Karmal brought with him less than half the members of the Central Committee.[9]

Because of the internal strife within the party, the party lost most its incumbent seats in the Afghan parliamentary election in 1969.[7] In 1973 the PDPA assisted Mohammed Daoud Khan to seize power from Zahir Shah in an nearly bloodless military coup. After Daoud had sized power he established the Daoud's Republic of Afghanistan. After the coup, the Loya jirga approved Daoud's new constitution establishing a presidential one party system of government in January, 1977. The new constitution alienated Daoud from many of his political allies.[10]


The Soviet Union set in Moscow played a major role in the reconciliation of the Khalq faction led by Taraki and the Parcham faction led by Karmal. In March 1977 a formal agreement on unity was achieved, and in July the two factions held their first joint conclave in a decade. Since the parties division in 1967 both sides had held contact with Soviet government.[9]

Both parties were consistently pro-Soviet. There are allegations that they accepted financial and other forms of aid from the Soviet embassy and intelligence organs. However the Soviets were close to King Zahir Shah and his cousin Dawood Khan - the first Afghan President - and it could have damaged their relations. There are no facts proving that the Soviets have provided financial help to either Khalqis or Parchamis. Taraki and Karmal maintained close contact with the Soviet Embassy and its personnel in Kabul, and it appears that Soviet Military Intelligence (Glavnoye Razvedyvatelnoye Upravleniye - GRU) assisted Khalq's recruitment of military officers.[citation needed]

Khalq rule

The Saur Revolution
Main articles: The Saur Revolution and Democratic Republic of Afghanistan
Outside the gate of Afghan Defense Ministry in Kabul, the day after Saur revolution on April 28, 1978.

In 1978 a prominent of the PDPA on the Parcham side of the party, Mir Akbar Khyber, was assassinated by the government and his associates. While the government rejected any claims of assassinated him, the PDPA members apparently feared that Mohammad Daoud Khan was planning to exterminate them all. Shortly after a massive protest against the government during the funeral ceremonies of Khaibar most of the leaders of PDPA were arrested by the government. Hafizullah Amin with a number of Afghan military officers supporting the Khalq faction of the PDPA wing stayed out of prison. This gave a chance to the group to organize an uprising. The government of Daoud eventually collapsed thanks to PDPA military members. After the military coup, the PDPA leadership got out of jail. Nur Mohammad Taraki, Babrak Karmal, and Hafizullah Amin overthrew the regime of Daoud, and renamed the country the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA).[9]
The day after the Saur revolution in Kabul.

On the eve of the coup, the Afghan police didn't send Amin to immediate imprisonment, as it did with the three Politburo members and Taraki on April 25, 1978. His imprisonment was postponed for five hours, during this time he was under house arrest. He gave instructions to the Khalqi military officers thanks to his family who gave the instructions to the officers. Amin was sent to jail on the 26 April, 1978.[9]

The regime of President Daoud came to a violent end in the early morning hours of April 28, 1978, when military units from the Kabul military base loyal to the Khalq faction of the party stormed the Presidential Palace in Kabul. The coup was also strategically planned for this date because it was the day before Friday, the Muslim day of worship, and most military commanders and government workers were off duty. With the help of the Afghan air force led by Colonel Abdul Qadir Dagarwal, the insurgent troops overcame the stubborn resistance of the Presidential Guard and killed Daoud and most members of his family.[10][11] Dagarwal assumed the control of the country from April 27-30, 1978 as the Head of the Military Revolutionary Council.[12]

New reforms
Main article: Democratic Republic of Afghanistan

The divided PDPA succeeded the Daoud regime with a new government under the leadership of Nur Muhammad Taraki of the Khalq faction. In Kabul, the initial cabinet appeared to be carefully constructed to alternate ranking positions between Khalqis and Parchamis. Taraki was Prime Minister, Babrak Karmal was senior Deputy Prime Minister, and Hafizullah Amin was foreign minister.[13][14]

Once in power, the party implemented a new socialist agenda. The government promoted state atheism.[15] Men were obliged to cut of their beards, women were not allowed to wear the burqa any longer, and most of the mosques were placed off limits at the start of the regime. The mosques re-opend in the 80s, because the party tried to win more supporters. The government also carried out a new land reform among others..[16]

When the PDPA rose to power in Afghanistan they moved to prohibit traditional practices which were deemed feudal by the party. They banned bride price and forced marriage among others and the minimum age for marriage was raised. They also stressed the importance of education in Afghanistan. The government stressed education for both women and men, they also set up literacy programmes in the country.[17] These new reforms were not well-received by the majority of the Afghan population (particularly in rural areas). As many saw it was un-Islamic and was seen as a forced approach to western culture in Afghan society as many tribal societies in Afghanistan tend to be conservative.[17] The urban population in Afghanistan supported the modernization of the community and country but was against the Soviet occupation.[8]

Parcham rule
Main article: Operation Storm-333

The Operation Storm-333 was the name of the Soviet operation in 1979 in which the Soviet special force, Spetnaz stormed the Tajbeg Palace and killed then President Hafizullah Amin.[18][19] The death of Amin led to Babrak Karmal becoming president the new Afghan president and General Secretary of the PDPA. After the death of Amin the Soviet invasion begun in 1979.[11] At the time of the assassination of Amin, Karmal was exiled and was the Afghan ambassador to Prague, Chechoslovakia.[20]

Moscow came to regard Karmal as a failure and blamed him for the problems. Years later, when Karmal’s inability to consolidate his government had become obvious, Mikhail Gorbachev, then General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party, said:[21]“   "The main reason that there has been no national consolidation so far is that Comrade Karmal is hoping to continue sitting in Kabul with our help."   ”

Not only that, but some Afghan soldiers who had fought for the communist government began to defect or leave the army. In May 1986 he was replaced as party leader by Mohammad Najibullah, and six months later he was relieved of the presidency. His successor as president was Haji Mohammad Chamkani. Karmal then moved (or allegedly was exiled) to Moscow.[22]

National reconciliation
Main articles: Soviet war in Afghanistan and National Reconciliation

After the Soviet Union had leveled most of the villages south and east of Kabul, creating a massive humanitarian disaster, the demise of the PDPA continued with the rise of the Mujahideen guerrillas, who were trained in Pakistani camps with US support. Between 1982 and 1992, the number of people recruited by Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) agency to join the insurgency topped 100,000.

The Soviet Union withdrew in 1989, but continued to provide military assistance worth billions of dollars to the PDPA regime until the USSR's collapse in 1991.

Homeland Front
Main articles: Civil war in Afghanistan (1989-1992) and Democratic Watan Party of Afghanistan

The Soviet troop withdrawal in late 1989 changed the political structure that had enabled the PDPA to stay in power all those years. Inner collapse of the government started when Hekmatyar withdrew his support for the government. Later in March, 1990 Defense Minister and Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces Shahnawaz Tanai tried to size power in a military coup. The coup failed and Tanai was forced to flee the country. Najibullah still hung on to the presidency, so in June, 1990 he renamed the party the Homeland Party. The party dropped the Marxist-Leninist ideology that had been held previously by the PDPA.[1]

In 1991, the Soviet Union collapsed. All support for the Afghan regime stopped. In March 1992, the communist regime in Afghanistan collapsed after the sudden change of allegiance of Afghan General Abdul Rashid Dostum.[1] The Homeland Party changed its name in 2002 to the Democratic Watan Party of Afghanistan.


From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia    This article may require cleanup to meet Wikipedia's quality standards. Please improve this article if you can. (December 2007)

Khalq ("Masses") was a faction of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan. Its historical leaders were Presidents Nur Mohammed Taraki and Hafizullah Amin. It was also the name of the leftist newspaper produced by the same movement.

It was supported by the USSR and was formed in 1965 when the PDPA was born. The Khalqist wing of the party was made up primarily of Pashtuns from non-elite classes. However, their Marxism was often a vehicle for tribal resentments.

Bitter resentment between the Khalq and Parcham factions eventually led to the failure of the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan and the Saur Revolution. It was also responsible for the radical reforms that encouraged the resistance of the people of Afghanistan, and eventually, to the creation of the Mujahideen.

Their radicalism was also responsible for the Soviet Invasion of Afghanistan on December 1979.Contents [hide]
1 Early political history
1.1 Khalq - Parcham division of the PDPA
1.2 The Republican Revolution
2 The Saur Revolution (April 1978 - April 1992)
2.1 Khalq as Government (April 1978 - December 1979)
2.2 The Parcham Government and Soviet invasion (December 1979 - April 1989)
3 PDPA - Khalq 1989-Present
3.1 Najibullah Administration ( 1986-1992 )
3.2 Afghan Civil War ( 1992-2001 )
3.3 Karzai Administration ( 2002-Present )
4 Prominent members
5 External links

Early political history

The People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan held its First Congress on January 1, 1965. Twenty-seven men gathered at Nur Mohammed Taraki's house in Kabul, elected Taraki PDPA Secretary General, Babrak Karmal as Deputy Secretary General, and chose a five-member Central Committee(or Politburo).

Finally, Hafizullah Amin was the only Khalqi member of the PDPA to be elected to Parliament in 1969.

Khalq - Parcham division of the PDPA

The party was weakened by bitter, and sometimes violent, internal rivalries. Especially on the ideological level, Karmal and Taraki differed in their perceptions of Afghanistan’s revolutionary potential:
Taraki believed that revolution could be achieved in the classical Leninist fashion by building a tightly disciplined working-class party.
Karmal felt that Afghanistan was too undeveloped for a Leninist strategy and that a national democratic front of patriotic and anti-imperialist forces had to be fostered in order to bring the country a step closer to socialist revolution.

The newspaper was highly successful, especially among students. Its first edition sold 20,000 copies, and later editions numbered around 10,000 (there were only six editions altogether). On May 23, 1966, the authorities closed Khalq on the grounds that it was anti-Islamic, anticonstitutional, and antimonarchical.

Karmal’s faction founded Parcham, a weekly magazine that he published between March 1968 and July 1969. Parcham was shut down in June 1969 on the eve of parliamentary elections.

The Republican Revolution

Khalq was excluded from the government because of its lack of good political connections and its go-it-alone policy on noncooperation. Taraki did advocate a united front briefly after Daoud's takeover in an attempt to gain places in the government for his followers, but this effort was unsuccessful.

The Khalqis claimed to be more leftist and more independent of the Soviet Union than Parcham, but their base of support was not strong among the masses, and much stronger in the military. Because of this, Khalq abandoned his party's traditional emphasis on working-class recruitment and sought to build his own power base within the officer corps. Khalq's influence at Kabul University was also limited.

In 1973 the Khalq faction energetically began to encourage military personnel to join them. Taraki had been in charge of Khalq activity in the military. In 1973 he passed his recruitment duties to Amin. This move was highly successful: by the time of the communist coup, in April 1978, Khalq outnumbered Parcham by a factor of two or three to one.

The Moscow-sponsored union of Parcham and Khalq may have been in preparation for his peaceful passage from the scene in the near future. The merger of Parcham and Khalq rapidly became unglued. However, Mir Akbar Khyber, a prominent leftist, was killed by the government and his associates.

Although the government issued a statement deploring the assassination, the PDPA leaders feared that Daoud was planning to exterminate them all. In this way, both Khalq and Parcham forgot their internal rivalries and worked to overthrow the government.

On the eve of the communist coup, Hafizullah Amin was the only member of the Central Committee that was not arrested. The police did not sent him to immediate imprisonment, as it did with Politburo members of the PDPA on April 25, 1978.

He was the last person to be arrested, his imprisonment was postponed for five hours, during which time Amin, without having the authority and while the Politburo members were in prison, instructed the Khalqi army officers to overthrow the government.

The Khalqist Army cells prepared for a massive uprising. On April 27 the Khalqist military leaders began the revolution by proclaiming to the cells in the armed forces that the time for revolution had arrived.

Khalqist Colonel Mohammad Aslam Watanjar was the Army commander on the ground during the Coup, and his troops gained control of Kabul. Colonel Abdul Qadir, the leader of the Air Force squadrons, also launched a major attack on the Royal Palace, in the course of which President Mohammad Daoud Khan was killed.

The Saur Revolution (April 1978 - April 1992)

The Saur Revolution, as the new government labeled its coup d'tat (after the month in the Islamic calendar in which it occurred), was almost entirely the achievement of the Khalq faction of the PDPA.

Khalq's victory was partially due to Daud's miscalculation that Parcham was the more serious threat. This success gave it effective control over the armed forces, a great advantage over its Parchami rival. During the first months of the revolution, Cabinet membership was split eleven to ten, with Khalq in the majority.

Khalq as Government (April 1978 - December 1979)

However, the initial, moderate, approach to Islam taken by the PDPA was quickly abandoned as the Khalqists sought to consolidate their hold on power. Khalq dominated the Revolutionary Council, which was to serve as the ruling body of the government.

The Khalq leadership ran the country by issuing a series of eight edicts. They suspended all laws except those on civil matters. Another exception was the criminal law of the Daoud period, retained as a repressive instrument.

They also embarked on a campaign of radical land reform accompanied by mass repression in the countryside that resulted in the arrest and summary execution of tens of thousands.

The Khalqi policy of encouraging the education of girls, for example, aroused deep resentment in the villages. By putting Afghanistan on the revolutionary road the Khalq wing of the PDPA stirred the countryside into revolt.

President Nur Mohammad Taraki refused to tolerate any Parchamis in the military and insisted that all officers affiliate with Khalq. By June 1978 an estimated 800 Parchami military personnel were forced to quit the armed forces.

Shortly after, the Khalqist wing in the Army, initiated a purge of Parchamis. They accomplished this performing the elimination of the opposition and removal of any restraints posed by the Parchamis

Hafizullah Amin took over as prime minister in March 1979, retaining the position of field marshal and becoming vice-president of the Supreme Defence Council. Taraki remained President and in control of the Army, though now he reportedly devoted a lot of his time at the Royal Palace, which had been renamed the People's Palace.

Events also tended to sub-divide the protagonists. The intense rivalry between Taraki and Amin within the Khalq faction heated up. In September 1979, Taraki's followers, with Soviet complicity, had made several attempts on Amin's life.

The final attempt backfired. Amin murder of Taraki divided the Khalqis. Rival military cliques divided the Khalqis further.

In late October, Amin made a military sweep against the insurgents, victoriously driving 40,000 people - mostly non-combatants - across the border into Pakistan. At the end of 1979 there were 400,000 Afghan refugees, mostly in Pakistan.

The USSR attempted to temper the Khalqis' radicalism, urging attendance at mosques, inclusion of Parchamis and non-communists in the government, and a halt to the unpopular land reform movement. Most of this advice was ignored.

The last Khalq President, Hafizullah Amin, was assassinated after Soviet intelligence forces took control of the government and installed Babrak Karmal, a Parchami, in his place.

The Parcham Government and Soviet invasion (December 1979 - April 1989)

Khalqi-Parchami differences began to rend the military as Khalqi leaders, fearful that the Parchamis retained their cellular organization within the military, mounted massive purges of Parchamis. Thanks to Amin's efforts in the 1970s, the officer corps consisted largely of Khalqis

The Army was also not immune to antigovernment sentiment. Soldiers began to desert and mutiny. Herat was the site of an uprising in March 1979 in which a portion of the town's military garrison joined. The rebels butchered Soviet citizens as well as Khalqis.

The purging of Parchamis had left the military forces so dominated by Khalqis that the Soviets had no choice but to rely upon Khalqi officers to rebuild the army. Khalq officers and men expressed bitterness over the preferential treatment given their Parcham rivals by the Parcham dominated regime.

Disaffected Khalqis often assisted the Mujahideen. Khalqis in the armed forces often accused their Parchami officers of using them as cannon fodder and complained that young Parchami men were exempted from compulsory military service.

A show of this was that, in 1980, at the April military parade celebrating the Saur Revolution, many Tank Corps continued to display the Red Flag of Khalq, instead of the new national flag adopted by Babrak Karmal.

PDPA - Khalq 1989-Present

Najibullah Administration ( 1986-1992 )

After the 40th Soviet Army left the country, President Najibullah suffered, to a lesser degree, the same disadvantage that Karmal had when he was installed as General Secretary of the PDPA by the Soviets.

This fact was shown by the fierceness of the resistance to Najibullah's appointment within the Parcham faction. This split persisted, forcing President Najibullah to straddle his politics between whatever Parchami support he could maintain and alliances he could win from the Khalqists.

In December 1989, 127 Khalqist military officers were arrested for an attempted coup. Twenty-seven officers escaped and later showed up at a press conference with Gulbuddin Hekmatyar in Peshawar. Former Minister of Tribal Affairs, Bacha Gul Wafadar and Minister of Civil Aviation Hasan Sharq were among the conspirators.

In March 1990, once again the Mujahideen leader Gulbuddin Hekmatyar cooperated in a coup attempt, this time led by the Khalqist Defense minister Shahnawaz Tanai. Tanai was apparently also supported by those important Khalqist who remained in the Politburo, Assadullah Sarwary and Mohammad Gulabzoi, respectively their country’s envoys to Aden and Moscow.

They were said to have been intimately connected with the coup and with Gral Tanai. However, Tanai had no direct control of troops inside Kabul. The plot misfired and failed because of faulty communications.

Afghan Civil War ( 1992-2001 )

At the end, however, the former Khalqists either joined or allied themselves with the Taliban or other Mujahideen warlords after the collapse of President Dr. Najibullah's Government in April, 1992.

A perfect example of this was that, once Kabul was captured, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar gained the support of some Khalqi (and mostly Pashto) hardliners, including the Minister of Internal Affairs Raz Mohammad Paktin and then Defence Minister Mohammad Aslam Watanjar.

Another example of this is the fact that Gral Tanai has (according to western diplomatic sources) acted as an agent for ISI by providing the Taliban a skilled cadre of military officers.

In this way, the Khalqi faction were once again involved in the war, using his pilots to fly the Mig-23 and Sukhoi fighters of what was left of the Afghan Air Force, driving Soviet Tanks and using Soviet Artillery. With no central government and fighting for different groups, Khalq was merely a pawn in the Afghan Civil War between the Afghan Northern Alliance and the Taliban.

Karzai Administration ( 2002-Present )

Other Khalqists have developed fairly close relations with the current regime, after the defeat of the Taliban and the ascendance of Hamid Karzai in 2002.
General Babrak Shinwari, former head of the youth affairs section of the PDPA under Taraki and Amin, who migrated to Peshawar in Pakistan in the winter of 1992. He later helped found the Afghanistan-Pakistan People Friendship Society and was elected member of the Loya Jirga by a council of elders from Nazyan Shinwari area of Nangarhar province.
Another former Khalqist general who has enjoyed the protection of powerful politicians in the current Afghan government is the former PDPA governor of Kandahar, Nur al-Haq Olumi, who enjoys the patronage of Marshal Mohammad Qasim Fahim.
The National Unity Party (Motahed-e Melli Hezb) was established on 2003. In this way, the Khalqi faction of the Homeland Party is once again attempting to participate in Afghan politics. It is now led by former Khalqist General Noorul Haq Uloomi.

Правительство Najibullah (1986-1992)

После того, как 40-ая советская Армия уехала из страны, Президент Нэджибалла пострадал, до меньшей степени, то же самое неудобство, которое имел Karmal, когда он был установлен как Генеральный секретарь PDPA Советами.

Этот факт показала свирепость сопротивления назначению Нэджибаллы в пределах фракции Parcham. Этот раскол сохранился, вынуждая Президента Нэджибаллу колебаться между его политикой между любой поддержкой Parchami, которую он мог поддержать и союзы, которые он мог выиграть от Khalqists.

В декабре 1989, 127 офицеров Khalqist были арестованы за предпринятый удачный ход. Двадцать семь чиновников убежали и позже обнаружились на пресс-конференции с Gulbuddin Hekmatyar в Пешаваре. Прежний Министр Племенных Дел, Бэча Гул Уофэдэр и Министр Кивил Авиэйшна Хэзэна Шарка были среди заговорщиков.

В марте 1990, еще раз лидер Галбаддин Хекмэтьяр Mujahideen сотрудничал в попытке удачного хода, на сей раз во главе с Министром обороны Шэноэзом Тэнэем Khalqist. Тэнэй был очевидно также поддержан теми важными Khalqist, кто оставался в Политбюро, Ассэдалле Сарвои и Мохаммаде Гулэбзое, соответственно посланниках их страны к Адену и Москве.

Они, как говорили, были глубоко связаны с удачным ходом и с Gral Tanai. Однако, у Tanai не было никакого прямого управления войсками в Кабуле. Заговор давал осечку и терпел неудачу из-за дефектных коммуникаций.

Афганская гражданская война (1992-2001)

В конце, однако, прежний Khalqists, к которому или присоединяются или соединенный непосредственно с Талибаном или другими военачальниками Mujahideen после краха президента доктора Нэджибаллы Говернмент в апреле 1992.

Прекрасный пример этого был то, что, как только Кабул был захвачен, Gulbuddin, Hekmatyar получил поддержку некоторого Khalqi (и главным образом Pashto) противники компромисса, включая Министра Внутренних дел Рэз Мохаммад Пэктин и затем Министр обороны Мохаммад Аслэм Уотэнджер.

Другой пример этого - факт, что Gral Tanai имеет (согласно западным дипломатическим источникам), действовал как агент для ISI, предоставляя Талибану квалифицированные кадры офицеров.

Таким образом, фракция Khalqi были еще раз вовлечены в войну, используя его пилотов, чтобы управлять Mig-23 и борцами Sukhoi того, что оставили афганских Воздушных сил, ведя советские Резервуары и используя советскую Артиллерию. Без центрального правительства и борющийся за различные группы, Khalq был просто пешкой в афганской гражданской войне между афганским Северным Союзом и Талибаном.

Правительство Карзая (С 2002 подарками)

Другие Khalqists развили довольно близкие отношения с текущим режимом, после поражения Талибана и господства Хамида Карзая в 2002.
Генерал Бэбрэк Шинвари, прежний глава молодежной секции дел PDPA под Taraki и Амином, кто мигрировал к Пешавару в Пакистане зимой 1992. Он позже помог, нашел Афганистан-пакистанское Общество Дружбы Людей и был избран членом Loya Jirga советом старших от области Шинвари Nazyan области Nangarhar.
Другой прежний генерал Khalqist, который наслаждался защитой сильных политических деятелей в текущем афганском правительстве, является прежним губернатором PDPA Кандагара, Нером аль Хэк Олуми, который наслаждается патронажем Маршала Мохаммада Кэзима Фэхима.
Партия Национального единства (Мотэхед-э Мелли Хезб) была основана на 2003. Таким образом, фракция Khalqi Стороны Родины еще раз пытается участвовать в афганской политике. Это теперь во главе с прежним Генералом Нурулом Хэком Улуми Khalqist.